NATIONAL POLITICS

BJP: Views of Atal Behari Vajpayee

There are senseless questions based on the presumption that there are hardliners and softliners. To presume that the RSS takes decisions for the BJP is wrong.

All this is part of the Left's Goebbelsian propaganda I am a moderate, the party is not; I am secular, the party is not; I am a good man, the party is bad. It is pathetic.

Disputes like Ayodhya can be solved either through honest and sincere discussions or through legislation. Article 370, a temporary provision, has placed Kashmir on a separatist pedestal and is a faulty line in our nation's unity and integrity; it needs to be abrogated. As for the Uniform Civil Code, it is required to ensure that women belonging to all religions are not discriminated against.

For us to tackle all these three issues we need a clear majority. And if we are in government in collaboration with others, we can at best take the first tentative steps. To say that we compromised on these issues is, therefore incorrect. And let me also assure you that there is no fissure in the party on these issues. We all think alike.

Secularism does not mean an irreligious state, but a state that accords equal respect to every religion. It does not mean vote-bank politics and minority pampering but ensuring equal opportunity to every citizen, irrespective of caste, religion and gender. We have been stressing both these points as well as the fact that if India is a secular state, it is because of its Hindu majority; that it is this majority which has ensured that India never was and never shall be a theocracy where a prophet or a book supplant democracy.

As for our commitment to Hindutva, it is a reflection of our commitment to cultural nationalism. We cannot forget the fact that India is an ancient nation and our traditions date back to more than 5,000 years. The people of the various regions are united by this common heritage called 'Bharatiyata". Hindutva is an 'inclusivist' concept, not an 'exclusivist' ideology.

The Muslims are not outsiders. They are part of the great Indian family and we share the same heritage. India existed prior to this millennium... I do not think that Muslims are uncomfortable with Hindutva. It is those whose political existence depends on vote-banks, on pitting caste versus caste and community versus community who are alarmed by the increasing acceptance of our commitment to cultural nationalism.

We do not have to prove our secular credentials, because we are secular. It is the "pseudo-secularists" who have to constantly make a show of their "pseudo- secularism" because deep down they know that their so- called secularism is only a means of winning votes.

(Source: The Sunday, 30 June-6 July, 1996)

RSS: ABKM Resolutions, Bhopal, July, 1996

The RSS has demanded expulsion and externment of foreign Christian missionaries for their divisive, violent and subversive role in the North-east... and ban on foreign aid received by them.

Took AGP to task for taking the help of Muslim infiltrators and militant separatist organizations like. ULFA, and Communists who were deadly opposed to the Assam agitation against foreigners... The AGP has dropped its demand for externment of infiltrators.

The ABKM reminded the AGP as to how the people had forsaken it earlier because they got disenchanted with it due to soft approach of AGP towards the militants. The RSS therefore wanted the AGP to identify anti-national elements wearing many masks join hands with foreign forces and endanger the unity of the country.

The ABKM reiterated with great emphasis that a Hindu-majority is essential for the security and prosperity of Assam.

Warned that the talk of maximum autonomy and pre-1953 status in Kashmir will only embolden terrorists to work for complete separation in due course.

The temporarily intended Article 370 becomes totally redundant (and) it should be done away with at the earliest.

Urged the Central Government to allow the security forces a free hand to deal with terrorism.

That construction of Ram temple at Ayodhya will automatically solve the issue of Kashi and Mathura where the mosques constructed by the invaders adjacent to the Hindu shrines still stood as a blot on the country's national pride. These structures were symbols of slavery.

(Source: The Organizer, 21 July, 1996)

Malkani's Reply to Mulk Raj Anand's Open Letter to Vajpayee

Mulk Raj Anand's open letter to Atal Behari Vajpayee, (June 10) will be of interest to may. Anand talks of 'remote control of RSS'. RSS does not need to 'control' BJP either remotely or closely. Most BJP workers and leaders themselves belong to RSS. AS for the accusation that Vajpayee dropped references to Article 370 and construction of Ram Janmasthan Mandir in the President's Address, the address refers to things proposed to be done by a Government in the current year and not to everything included in a party's election manifesto!

There would have been no point in talking of deleting Article 370 because that would require two- thirds majority in both Houses; and BJP did not have even a simple majority in both houses; and BJP did not have even a simple majority.

As regards the Mandir, it is to be built by the religious fraternity, led by VHP, and not by BJP or the Government. That is why the BJP manifesto only said it will remove hurdles in the way of the temple.           

Incidentally, it is surprising why,if the Nehru Government could okay the reconstruction of Somnath Incidentally, it is surprising why, if the Nehru Mandir, a subsequent Government cannot do the same for Ayodhya Mandir.

Ali Sardar Jafri's Open Letter to A.B. Vajpayee

There is nothing common between us except the love of the country and the love of poetry. It is sufficient for a friendly dialogue.

On May 27 and 28, I have a feeling of the tremendous waste of time, not of my time but the time of the whole nation and millions of viewers outside India. They expected a great debate on the fate of the democracy. But what they witnessed can be expressed in the words of Ghalib, "Hota hai shab-o-roz tamasha mere sagey" (Every day and every night unusual events happen before my eyes) .

And yet it was an experience. It gave me a better perception of the political parties and their leaders.

I remember my meeting with you in October 1977 India was celebrating the 100th birth anniversary of Iqbal I was the general secretary of the committee with Inder Gujral as chairman. By the time of the international seminar in October and November the government of Morarji Desai had come to power.

The celebration started at Vigyan Bhawan on 29 October, 1977 with an all-India mushaira, inaugurated by the Chief Justice of India, Mr. M.K. Beg. You graced the occasion and sat till the end of the mushaira.

According to K.A. Abbas in his book, Janata in a Jam, it was during this mushaira that you decided to visit Pakistan as the foreign minister of India. And when you visited Pakistan in March 1978 you took with you as a gift from India the documentary film, Dr. Mohammed Iqbal, written and produced by me and directed by K.A. Abbas.

Your official visit created a tremendous impact. You were applauded as a friend. The goodwill between the two countries increased.

At that time you were occupying a chair that was occupied by no less a man than Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru. After 19 years you again got the opportunity to occupy the same chair in a heightened position the Prime Minister of India. But, unfortunately with a declared programme and intention of making atom bombs. This deadly gift for Pakistan, some of whose immature leaders have been shouting at the top of their voices that they possess atomic weapons to deal with India. Meaning that in case of an unfortunate was both sides would employ atomic weapons for self-destruction. Lahore cannot be destroyed without destroying Amritsar and the Golden Temple, a symbol of love and compassion. The poisonous effect would engulf the entire green belt of Punjab and Haryana. Thus we will be punishing ourselves instead of punishing the enemy. An atomic attack on any part of Kashmir will affect Islamabad.

War is evil, nuclear was is the worst evil. It cannot solve any problem. The Indo-Pak question requires political wisdom to handle it. How can a mature leader of your experience believe for a moment that revised nuclear policy is the need of the hour?

Your first statement on becoming the Prime Minister of India was about building the Ram mandir in Ayodhya. This statement could not save your government. After the demolition of the Babari Masjid in December 1992, a fruit-seller in Lucknow said, "They should build Sita mai ki rasoi (Sita mata's kitchen) to feed the hungry". There is a common saying that Bhooke bhajan na hoi (you cannot sing bhajan with empty stomach).

Mahatma Gandhi said, "Even God does not appear before the hungry except in the form of bread". (This is the essence of his statement not the exact words).

This is the true Hindu heritage, universal in its value and its appeal.

Iqbal, in May 1937, IT months before his death, wrote to Mohammed Ali Jinnah in a letter, "The League will finally have to decide whether it will remain a; body representing the upper class of Indian Muslims or Muslim masses. Who so far with good reasons have taken no organization which gives no promise of improving the lot interest in it. Personally, I believe that a political of the average Muslim cannot attract our masses.

Do you think it applies to your party also, Atalji?

The emotional and sentimental religious slogans cannot make people forget their hunger and poverty.

I have great respect for Ram. I come from the land of Ram and Gautam Buddha. Before the temple is made, make Ayodhya a land of no war, a garden of love and peace. The garden should have flower plants from all a palace of culture representing all the cultures of India, parts of the world, a good hospital and home for children, with arrangements for Sufi and Bhakti songs, joint celebration of Dussehra, victory of good over evil, and joint celebration of id- these are some of the ways to pay homage to Ram. Let us make Ayodhya a proud city of India.

The approach of your party to the communal problem also needs your attention. Is it possible for the Muslims to forget they are educationally and economically backward and cannot compete with the majority community in modern times? There are historical reasons for this backwardness.

The human situation affecting the fate of Muslims can be described in cold words by politicians. But a poet cannot dismiss it without the agony of the soul. In his article Hindu Universal published in 1911 Tagore wrote with deep feelings:

"There is a very real difference between the Hindu and the Muslim which it is not at all possible to ignore. If in our pre-occupation with our own needs we do not recognize that difference, neither will it recognize our needs. We have called in the Muslim not as our own but as an aid in the accomplishments of our ends. If we ever find that he is no longer of our use, we shall have no qualms in throwing him overboard. We have not felt for him as a real comrade but have regarded him merely as instrumental to our purposes. (Page 145).

Tagore gave true vision to India when he said, "The worldwide problem today is not how to unite with wiping out all differences, but how to unite with all differences intact, for it permits no trickery and calls for mutual give and take." (page 148).

How different and how magnanimous he was, the great sage of Santiniketan, as compared to the champions of modern-day Hindutva when he wrote in clear words:

"A day came when the Hindu started being conscious of the glory of Hindu hood. He would no doubt have been highly pleased if the Muslim had then acknowledged his glory and kept quiet, but the Muslim hood of Muslim started asserting itself for the same reason as the Hindu hood of the Hindu. Now he wants to be strong, not be merging with the Hindu, but by being a Muslim. (pages 145-46).

The poet came to the conclusion that it is in the interest of the Hindus themselves that the Muslims become their equal in dignity and status. (He warned) "A suppressed separateness is a terrible explosive force. Some time or other it would create a mighty upset by blowing up suddenly under pressure."

And actually after 36 years of Gurudev's warning the country below up in 1947. Now, after 49 years of the partition of India, we find that the problem has not been solved. It has become more complicated and aggravated.

I have written this letter to a political leader who happens to be a poet whose sensitive soul can share my pain and agony.

(Source: The Asian Age, 3 June, 1996)

Kar Sevaks, Pakistani Agents! Letter of Gautam Navlakha

One is thankful to Mr. K.R. Malkani for his courage in exposing Pakistan's insidious plans to demolish the Babari to "destabilize India" and get four BJP governments "dismissed"... Where does this leave the sangh parivar which had rejoiced over this crime and whose members and sympathizers have continued to claim it as their own handiwork? Am I to believe that the parivar has now been taken over by Pakistani provocateurs? That they waive the saffron flag to fight the tricolor.

 (Source: The Times of India, 28 July, 1996)

BJP: So Near and Yet so Far Radhika Ramaseshan on BJP's Prospects

The BJPs near miss must be particularly galling, having gone through pre-electioneering and campaigning with clinical efficiency. It was the most cohesive party, despite factionalism in Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh. It was the only party which managed to showcase a consensus Prime Minister in Vajpayee. It is the only party to boast of a tightly-knit organization supplemented with the only party which wove its campaign around identified the resources of the extended Sangh Parivar. And it was themes.

Notwithstanding efforts to build an issue-based campaign designed to corner the Congress(I) on corruption and criminalization and the National Front on stability and "minority appeasement", none of them gelled. The BJP list its cutting edge on the two Cs (corruption and criminalization) once its president Advani was implicated in the hawala scandal and a party MP from Uttar Pradesh Brij Bhushan Singh, was booked under the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act for links with the Dubai-based underworld don, Dawood Ibrahim.

The stability plank was blunted once the party began hobnobbing with regional allies to cobble support for a government at the Centre. While the alliance with the match, the BJP was hard put to explain to its committed Shiv Sena clicked largely because of an ideological cadre its eagerness to rope in socialists and ex- Congressmen like Madhavrao Scindia. It was not just the ideological mismatch that mattered, but the ambition of and Scindia which threatened to upset Mr. Vajpayee's individual allies like Chandra Shekhar, George Fernandes applecart. The overtures also detracted from the BJP's boast that it would provide a "unified one-party rule" which would last five years.

Minority-appeasement planks like the demand for a uniform civil code and Kashmir were never played with the conviction which had suffused the Ayodhya campaign. Trapped between the compulsion of underplaying its communal credentials and emphasizing its secular one, the BJP's Hindutva campaign ended up sounding more rhetorical than committed.

The Vajpayee build-up worked limitedly, even in the Hindi belt.

In Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, the Vajpayee hype has helped consolidate Brahmins but had little impact on the upper castes. Like other parties, in the absence of a wave or the rallying strength of a central charismatic personality, the BJP has had to grapple with nitty-gritties like the image of the candidate, regional issues and caste equations.