Resolution on Kashmir Adopted by the Plenary of the 5t Joint Convention, Bangalore, 8 April, 2000

Gravely concerned at the state of hostile relations between India and Pakistan and its impact on their on their domestic politics as also on the two civil societies.

Alarmed by the "limited war" in Kargil area of the J&K last summer by forces that possess nuclear weapons ...

Realising that the hostility between the two countries has encouraged forces of reaction to whip up war hysteria and jingoism with the concomitant attack on people's freedom in the name of "national security".

Recognising that peace as a condition of democracy requires a degree of normalcy in relations between the two countries.

Considering the urgency for creating conditions conducive for beginning peace talks among all concerned and mindful of the central role that all the people of Jammu and Kashmir must play in its resolution.

Recognising that it is the peoples of Jammu and Kashmir who have the democratic right to decide their political future, and that they must get an opportunity to meet and confabulate.

Call upon Governments of India and Pakistan to order cessation of all hostilities among the Line of Control by forces directly or indirectly under their control.

Call simultaneously upon Government of India to halt its military campaign, which is imperilling the life and liberties of the people of J&K (and) upon the Government to Pakistan to exercise all control and restraint over the mindless violence of the mujahideen and jehadist groups.

Appeal to the various militant organisations of Jammu and Kashmir (and their over-ground supporters) and the state security forces to eschew violence ... (and) to agree to resolve all political and other differences exclusively through peaceful and democratic means and urge them to declare cease-fire voluntarily with immediately effect and to create conditions conducive for negotiations.

Call upon the political parties, the militants and the groups who support them ... to dedicate themselves to achievement of reconciliation, and mutual trust, and to the protection and vindication of the human rights ...

Call upon the Governments of Pakistan and India to confer and cooperate with all the representatives of the people in all areas of Jammu and Kashmir, ... facilitate a process by which the people in all the areas of Jammu. And Kashmir can choose their representatives who can then engage with the Governments to determine their future (and) the Government of India ... immediately to release all political detenus. The talks between the representatives of the peoples of Jammu and Kashmir may be held both at bilateral level as well as at a tripartite level.

Propose that the talks between Government of India and the representatives of India held J&K as well as  between the Government of Pakistan and the representatives of Pakistan-held Kashmir, should be held in the presence of a group of eminent persons of the respective countries ...

Call upon the political parties and other groups in different parts of the former state of Jammu and Kashmir as a step towards beginning purposeful negotiations to acknowledge the fact that Government of India, Pakistan as well as different groups of peoples of Jammu and Kashmir hold divergent views on questions of continuance of status quo and of legitimate political aspirations of the participants, especially of the right of exercising sovereignty, wholly or partly,, over the whole or part of the territories of the former state of Jammu and Kashmir.

... Also urge the Governments of India and Pakistan to recognise the inalienable right of the peoples of Jammu and Kashmir to decide their political future, ... together to strive to find a solution that may be generally acceptable to the peoples of Jammu and Kashmir and the sub-continent in their larger interest of peace and democracy, to recognise that durable peace and tranquillity in the sub-continent takes precedence, over all other considerations (and) strive in every practical way towards reconciliation and rapprochement keeping in view that in all agreements contraction of sovereign power in one political domain can be a gain in another.

The Forum believes that it is from such an effort that the contours of a likely solution will emerge.

The 'Patriotic Option'

... The jingoist would say that regardless of what happens to the people of Kashmir and what they think of the Indian Union, the land of Kashmir belongs to India. If some people do not like that they should leave the country and go to Pakistan. The patriot would not cede territory ...but would do the utmost to win over the hearts of the people ... to forge a stronger Union ...

It is quite immaterial what resolutions the United Nation passes, or what world opinion thinks ... Letting go of Kashmir will have serious repercussions on the ...

Union. The compact will be unsettled and there will be secessionist wars and divisive slaughter across the country. The tragedy of Kashmir will be multiplied several times over. If Kashmir goes it will probably take India down with it. This is why the best option on Kashmir today is the patriot's option ... (Source: Dipankar Gupta in The Times of India, September, 1999)

Mobilise Indian People Against Violence, for Dialogue

Shahabuddin's Statement on Visit to Valley, 1-6 June, 2000

I have just spent 5 days in the Valley to obtain a first hand impression of the current situation and to offer sincere condolences. to the next-of-kin of the victims of Chattisinghpora Massacre and the subsequent violence as well of recent custodial killings in Srinagar.

After meeting a cross-section of the people, I have come to the following conclusions:

1. Kashmir continues to bleed and today the people are groaning under the unending cycle of violence. There is an air of fear and terror. In the constant clash of arms, there is a persistent pattern of massive violation of human rights, above all, of senseless killing of  innocent persons in surprise attacks and of custodialkillings.

2. The people long for Peace with Honour and for Development. Indeed, their well-being and happiness must be the supreme and ultimate concern of all of us.

3. The people see a welcome ray of hope in the possibility of the initiation of an unconditional dialogue to find the way for an enduring settlement of the underlying problem.

4. For this dialogue to succeed, there must be a moratorium on violence. All killings must stop. Political prisoners must be released. All violations of human rights must be looked into. All victims must be equitably compensated. The modalities and methods of security operation must be reviewed. Progressively, the machinery of repression should be dismantled and other convergent steps should be taken to regain the trust and confidence of the long suffering people; for example, due care of the widows and the orphans and the disabled should be taken.

5. No purposeful and meaningful dialogue can be arbitrarily limited in scope and participation, just as no preconceived solution can be imposed. An equitable and enduring solution shall hopefully emerge only out of comprehensive exchanges, multi-level and multi-lateral, in and out of state, involving all concerned, all shades of public opinion and, above all, of the intelligentsia, not only on both sides of the LoC in Jammu and Kashmir, but also in India and Pakistan.

6. In particular I urge the State Government to extend the term of reference of the Pandian Commission of  inquiry to cover the entire chain of tragic events from Chattisinghpora Massacre to the police firing, to investigate all cases of violation of human rights and to order prosecution in all authenticated cases of custodial killings. I also request the state government to disband the Special Operations Group which the people regard as a symbol of repression and extortion,

7. I take this opportunity to request the human rights organisations to monitor the situation closely and call upon the secular and democratic forces in the country to mobilise public opinion AGAINST VIOLENCE and FOR DIALOGUE.

Kashmir Problem is Political, Not Economic

Shahabuddin's Letter to The Nation and the World, 8 June, 2000

Mr. K.F. Rustamji's article "The Truth about Kashmir" relates peace in Kashmir not only to the restoration of democracy in Pakistan but also to the depoliticisation of the Pakistan Armed Forces. However, the explosive situation in Kashmir demands immediate attention and cannot wait till Pakistan charges course.

I have just paid a visit to the Valley. No one there seems to be bothered about the nature, form and substance of the political system in Pakistan, though everyone asserts that no enduring solution can be found without Pakistan's agreement and its participation in the process of finding the solution.

Although Mr. Rustamji sees the alienation as "our warped way of imposing peace" by which, I presume, he means the policy of repression, he has himself made a number of untenable assumptions.

Kashmir problem is not an economic problem. It is a political problem. It is no longer an internal problem, after Pokhran II, it has become an international problem. 50 years ago, the Kashmiris wanted to be with India but not today.

But they do not necessarily want to be with Pakistan. They are longing for 'Azadi'. This Azadi idea is not a Pakistani plant. Indeed Pakistan is not prepared to give 'Azadi' to Kashmiris. Kashmir is realise that they cannot become 'Azad', against the common will of India and Pakistan.

So there is still a chance. Grant of real autonomy to the Kashmir Valley(if not to the entire State), respect for human rights and constitutional rights by the armed forces and the para-military forces, progressive dismantling of the apparatus of repression, withdrawal from high profile presence in the towns and villages and concentration of arms and vigil, not in the Valley but on the LoC, in order to deter outsiders including Pakistanis, from fishing in our troubled waters and force out those who have already come in, responsive and democratic governance from the Panchayat up, release of political prisoners, care of the widows, the orphans and the disabled of the 'proxy war', the 'cross-fire' and the custodial killings may yet give the Kashmiris the substance of freedom, if not its form and may yet give us a chance. By its very existential logic, Pakistan cannot match the degree of autonomy that India can give.

The core of the problem is the aspiration and the will of the Kashmiri people. Their disaffection and alienation in their hearts will not disappear but as in the period 1977-1982, the Kashmiris will be able to accept the feasible and the practicable against the ideal and the impossible.