Tavelen Singh On The Ayodhya Time-Bomb

 

"This Government will not be able to (defuse the time-bomb) for the simple reason that the Ayodhya issue must, at all costs, be kept alive till the next general election. For, without it, what will the BJP do? The party knows that if Rama's temple is forgotten then the Hindu vote will also disappear, so it is hard to see them agreeing to any kind of compromise that would fall short of a temple at the exact spot where the Babari Masjid now stands. Because, we should remember, that if it did agree to anything less there is every likelihood of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad withdrawing its support and forming themselves into a separate political party more Hindu even than the BJP.

This would automatically destroy the 'gains' of the rath yatra or at least transfer them to the VHP, and Mr. Advani is too astute a politician to allow that to happen.

Not many people doubt any more that the BJP's decision to unashamedly mix religion with politics has succeeded fully. In fact, to the extent that fascism has now become almost fashionable. From the bazaars of Delhi to its drawing rooms, it is quite common these days to meet educated, civilised Hindus who talk about 'us' and 'them'. We have been deprived, the argument goes, we have been discriminated against in our own country, while 'they' have been allowed to do exactly as they like.

Hindus say that the minorities (both Muslim and Sikh incidentally) have been allowed to get away with all their demands whereas whenever Hindus make demands they have been treated. From the RSS to the most sophisticated circles, you get Hindus these days saying things like, 'They, at least, have other countries to go to, we only have this one, so why should we be discriminated against here'.

Nobody manages to come up with any instances of actual discrimination as such, but the Muslim Women's Bill is often quoted as an example of reverse discrimination. If you try pointing out that the so-called Muslim demands are, in fact, only the demands of a small group of middle-class Muslim leaders and that the vast majority of Muslims live in abysmal poverty. The general attitude (is) that 'they' are all the same. They are fanatics, while we are tolerant; they are dirty while we are clean; they are violent (hence communal riots) while we are the most non-violent people in the world; they breed like rabbits (hence their poverty) while we have barely enough children to keep them in a minority position and so on.

These are old prejudices. They have always existed but in the past, they tended not to be aired so openly. In fact, most of us should be able to remember a time when it was slightly embarrassing to hear people talk like this. Now, however, the reverse has become true. Anyone who dares to suggest that it is wrong to blame all Muslims and all Sikhs for what has happened is in danger of being accused of minorityism and to use Advani's favorite expression, pseudo-secularism.

What is even more frightening is the ease with which we have all learned to accept fascism as 'Hindutva'... There (are) inflammatory cassettes. Many newspapers have quoted them in detail and pointed out that they say things like; Jab ek-ek Ali kchaati par das das Bajrangbali chadhe honge, tab pata Chal Jayega ki yeh sthan Ram Janmabhoomi Hai ya Babari Masjid. There is even more direct incitement to violence against Muslims and there is no point in Advani protesting.

Mr. Advani, himself may only talk against those Muslims whom he believes have extra-territorial loyalties, but when the message works its way down to the rank and file of his party, it generally ends up as: get the Muslims.

If setting an entire community up as an object of hate is not fascism, then it is hard to think what is. That, however, is not the point. What is far more important is to realize that the emotions unleashed by the rath yatra are here to stay.

What (can) the Government do to contain communalism that is sweeping across the country? With hindsight, it can be said that V.P. Singh's biggest mistake lay in allowing the rath yatra to set off from Somnath in the first place. But the mistake everyone else seems to have made, is believing that a solution could somehow have been worked out without allowing the mosque to be demolished. The Congress (I) and Mr. Chandra Shekhar (have now) a chance to show us how it could have been handled better."

(Source: The Indian Express, New Delhi, 29 Nov. 1990)

VANDE MATARAM IN LEGISLATURE

For the first time in the history of the Maharashtra state legislature, both houses began their opening session with the singing of 'Vande Mataram' (at Nagpur). As soon as the Speaker entered the house and the members got up, the loudspeakers began relaying the taped song in which the members also joined. In the upper house, the members were about to take their seats after the customary greeting, when the chairman, Jayantrao Tilak, waved to them to remain standing. The loudspeakers immediately came to life and the numbers also joined in the singing of 'Vande mataram'.

(Source: The Times of India, 4 December 1990)






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