NATIONAL POLITICS

Surendra Mohan on Electoral Reform

It is the second time in two years that the Election Commission (EC) has issued a notification requiring the political parties to elect their respective office bearers as per their constitutions. In July 1994, the first notification asking political parties to complete their organizational elections within four months was issued. But the notification failed to change the basic functioning of political parties.

On August 13 this year, the EC issued fresh notification to all recognized national and state parties, and all registered unrecognized parties urging them to submit complete lists of its elected office bearers, as per provisions and procedures in their respective constitutions. The EC argued that since it had registered them as political parties on the basis of the constitutions filed by them before it, it was only fair for it to insist that they adhere to the provisions of those constitutions. Parties were warned by the EC that if any of them "fails to do so, the EC may be left with no choice except to consider such legal measures as are available, necessary and appropriate". The measures have not, however, been specified. In the circumstances, it is doubtful whether this notification will be given greater attention by the political parties than the one issued in 1994.

Since the absence of internal democracy has afflicted almost every party the supremo is hardly under challenge. And, as almost all political parties have tasted power, the levers of patronage enjoyed by the leader silence every dissent. The supremo's power to nominate party candidate for elections to the legislatures, makes the whole party his handmaiden.

This is the situation despite the fact that transfer of power to the Panchayati raj institutions, and restructuring of centre-state relations constitute the agenda of the new government. It is the same with the reservation of seats in the Panchayati raj institutions for women or other 'weaker' sections of the society. The candidates for the reserved seats represent the will of the supremo and his or her cohorts much more than the sections they are intended to represent. The reservation of Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha seats for women looks in the similar danger of being compromised by the same undemocratic practices prevalent among the political parties.

All efforts to widen the parameters of people's power by amending the Constitution is likely to result in the cooption of favored sycophants from the newer sections by the supremo. It has been argued, however, that organized groups from among various reserved categories can generate pressures on the leaders of political parties to ensure that their genuine representatives are given party nominations. But, then, manipulation of the ambitions of those persons, distribution of patronage, the huge amounts of money involved in elections, the very multiplicity of reserved categories and rivalries among their sub-categories, could substantially reduce, if not nullify, these pressures.

The EC should be empowered by law to ensure democratic functioning by political parties. Such laws and regulations already exist in some countries where enrollment of membership, holding of periodic elections, and maintenance of account books are supervised by independent quasi-judicial bodies.

The Election manifesto of the National Front issued in 1989 contained a promise under the chapter of electoral reforms for providing such an authority. But, when the late Dinesh Goswami, law minister. in the NF Government, brought up such a proposal for inclusion in electoral reforms, most parties opposed it on the grounds of interference in their internal affairs. However, considering the influence of money and the induction of anti-social elements it is time that public opinion asserted itself in favour of such legislation.

(Source: The Times of India, 7 September, 1996)

Bihar: Lok Sabha 1996: Break-up of MP's by Caste/Party

Group  Caste   Number of M.P Notional        Actual             Party Break-up