FROM THE EDITOR’S DESK

Sunni-Shia Confrontation in Lucknow

Fanned by vested interests on both sides, Shia-Sunni sectarianism in Lucknow has often taken a vicious and violent turn and pitted one section of the Muslim community against the other. In 1997, however, thankfully there was peace between Sunnis and Shias of Lucknow. In fact, a section of the Sunni's joined the Shias in their agitation for the resumption of their Azadari processions.

Since 1977, there has been a ban on the Azadari processions. The Shias have been peacefully agitating for its resumption from year to year.

On 26 June, 1997, the Shia agitators courting arrest were fired upon by the police. This led to confrontation with the State authorities. Women came out in the streets and 3 Shia youth committed self-immolation in protest against the continued ban. Thus a new and inflammable ingredient has been added and it is time for the Muslim community not to ignore the situation and for the leadership collectively find a reasonable solution.

The resulting tension has created a situation which is fraught with the possibility of exploding into violence at 2 levels: State vs Muslims and Shias vs Sunnis Whatever the political game of the vested interests, the Shia demand - and this is not to judge its theological implication - is legitimate in terms of constitutional rights. It is the duty of the State to restrain the mischief-makers, those who disturb law and order. The State cannot restrain permanently the aggrieved party itself whose rights are being violated, in the name of law and order! State power must be used to protect and defend constitutional and legal rights and not to support their suppression.

The Mohurram procession is generally taken out with the active participation of the Sunnis throughout the country, even that of the non-Muslims. The Shias would be justified to agitate if for any reason the administration put even temporary curbs on it but, in Lucknow, because some Sunnis objected, the Azadari processions stand banned, off and on, since the 30's Some Sunni Ulema in Lucknow invented a new religious procession, as a counterpoint, Madah-e-Sahaba (Praise to the Companions). This led to clashes and both were banned. It should be, however, noted that while Mohurram is observed all over the country, Madah-e-Sahaba procession is a speciality of Lucknow; it has no religious basis.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

'Azadari', popularly called Mohurram, is the commemoration of the martyrdom in Karbala, Iraq of Hazrat Imam Husain, son of Hazrat Ali and Hazrat Fatima, the daughter of the Holy Prophet, in a battle with the forces of Yazid whose assumption of office as the Caliph after the death of his father Amir Muawiya was challenged by the pious. The Islamic consensus upholds the defiance of Yazid by Hazrat Imam Husain, who is regarded as a personification of sacrifice, a great martyr.

On the 10th of Mohurram, every year, this event is commemorated by millions of Muslims to renew their faith and their commitment to truth. At the popular level, the commemoration takes the form of a procession of lamentation.

Some Shias, who consider Hazrat Ali not only their first Imam but the first rightful Caliph, also use the occasion not only to praise Ali, Fatima, Hasan and Husain but to 'curse' and 'damn' the first three Caliphs: Hazrat Abu Bakar, Hazrat Umar and Hazrat Usman and the Companions of the Holy Prophet who supported Muawiya against Ali. They are regarded as 'usurpers' This is called Tabarra. In view of the fact that Hazrat Ali himself took the oath of allegiance to his three predecessors, moderate and enlightened Shias do not approve of the 'Tabarra'. In any case, no civil society can approve of such provocative action or public denunciation

Muawiya rebelled against Hazrat Ali and on the latter's death was accepted by all as the 5th Caliph. Imam Hasan, the eldest son of Ali, also swore the oath of allegiance to Muawiya. But none of the five were related to each other. None of the first four Khulafa-i-Rashidin had nominated their successor. Muawiya, however, nominated Yazid, his son, as his successor. This is a point of departure in Islamic history. This was how the Caliphate was reduced to a monarchy. Imam Husain, in his refusal to accept Yazid as the legitimate caliph was not just advancing his own claim to the Caliphate but defending the true spirit of Islam even against heavy odds. There lies his greatness.

All Muslims love the Holy Prophet and naturally respect both his direct descendants and his companions - the Ahl-c-Bait and the Sahaba, the nearest of whom were the four who succeeded him as his 'Khalifa' and guided the Islamic Umma through its formative years.

THEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND

The Shias, however, regard Ali, as Imam, the spiritual guide, but even most mystic orders in Sunni Islam trace their spiritual lineage to him. Thus, Ali occupies a very special position based on a combination of his physical qualities, his relationship to the Holy Prophet and his mystic and spiritual authority.

The Sunnis and Shias are united in their belief in Allah, in Mohammad as the last Prophet and in the Quran as the last and immutable scripture revealed by Allah through Mohammad for the eternal guidance of mankind and in the Day of Judgement. The mainstream Shias, the Athna-e-Asharis, regard 12 Imams, beginning with Ali, as their spiritual guides and as 'Ma'sum' (infallible, innocent) but do not equate Imamat with Nabuwwat, except the Ismailis. Indeed after the Tragedy of Karbala, the descendants of Ali were treated with respect by succeeding caliphs. Many of them were great scholars and contributed to the promotion of Ilm-e-Tafsir and Ilm-e- Hadith and to the evolution of the corpus of Muslim jurisprudence, the Fiq'h.

Among the four schools of Sunni jurisprudence (Hanafi, Shaf'i, Humbali and Maliki) and the Jafri school of Shia jurisprudence, there is no major difference except perhaps on Muta' (the concept of temporary marriage). Therefore, it is not proper for the Sunnis to regard the Shias as "Kafirs" and vice versa as some extremists do.

Both Shias and Sunnis believe in the emergence of Mehdi close to the Day of Judgement. Both believe that he would be a descendent of Ali and Fatima and will emerge in Makka. The Shias believe that the 12th Imam, who disappeared and is still living, the Imam-e-Ghaib, shall reappear as Mehdi.

Thus, there is hardly any basic difference between mainstream Sunnis and Shias and even the moderates Ulema. Therefore, throughout the Muslim world, Sunnis and Shias have intensive relations with each other. They intermarry. The Sunnis have served Shia sovereigns and vice versa. The Islamic scholars have generally avoided passing a judgement and maintained silence on the conduct of Hazrat Ali and Hazrat Muawiya and the Companions of the Holy Prophet who were ranged against each other in the internecine struggle after the assassination of the third Caliph Hazrat Usman.

THE IMPACT OF THE IRANIAN REVOLUTION

No Sunni-Shia divide was noticeable at the social and political level till the end of the Abbasid Caliphate! However, the Fatimid rule in Egypt followed by the Safavids of Iran adopted Shi'ism as the State religion, even today the majority of the people of Iran belong to the Shia sect. The Iranian Revolution of 1979, followed by Iraq-Iran war, tended to revive Shia-Sunni hostility, though the Iranian leaders - despite being staunch Shias -proclaimed full support for Islamic unity and religious freedom for the Sunnis in Iran. However, in the Sub-continent, as a whole, and in Pakistan and in India, especially in Lucknow, which, since the days of the Nawabs of Oudh, was a centre of the Shia community, the Shias tended to assert themselves. Indeed, Sunni and Shia extremists almost replayed Iraq-Iran conflict in their own little ways. The question of 'Takfir' of the Shias was reopened and highly controversial writings projecting Muawiya and Yazid as rightful, criticising Ali, Hasan and Husain came to be published - thus fanning sectarianism in its extreme forum.

There can be no second opinion that the Sunni-Shia disunity harms the Umma, internationally and, nationally within each State in which both co-exist. Even a cursory look at the situation in Pakistan would show to what extremes such antipathy and hostility can lead to.

Fortunately, despite mutual distrust, Sunni-Shia relations have not reached the point of no return even in Lucknow. But the situation is simmering. There are political forces which would like to give it a violent turn.

RATIONAL SOLUTION

The simple formula for the accord is: "Mohurram, Yes, Tabarra, No". I am happy that this formula has general acceptance. The Shia leaders have given the assurance that not a word shall be uttered by the processionists against the dignity of any of the three Caliphs. They have also agreed to reroute the Mohurram procession to avoid Sunni-concentration mahallas; they have invited Sunni Ulema to address Mohurram congregations. Any impartial person would accept that they can do no more. There is no logia in the Sunnis of Lucknow objecting to Mohurram under the circumstances.

But the extremist’s fringe would not give up. It now demands permission from the revival of Madah-e-Sahaba procession. As stated above, this has no religious sanction; it was a historic counterpoint to Tabarra, and not to Azadari, in the 30's. If 'Tabarra' is stopped, this should also stop.

That would be turning a new leaf and writing a new chapter on Muslim unity.

 On 20 September, 1997, a Conference was held in Lucknow for the Tahaffuz-e-Namoos-e-Sahaba (Defence of the Honour of the Companions). There is no threat to the honour of the Companions in Lucknow or elsewhere. The presence of Maulana Abul Hasan Ali Nadvi and his words of wisdom and moderation was instrumental in cooling the ardour of the extremists but his presence also gave a touch of legitimacy to the continuing confrontation by the extremist fringe of the Sunnis on a non-issue. Indeed, the Resolution adopted by the Conference declared Mohurram procession as un-Islamic and called upon the Sunnis not to cooperate or to participate in them, while, ironically, demanding the right to take out processions of Madah-e-Sahaba and equating any bar thereon as interference in religion!

Muslim Indians constitute a religious minority in the country and face common problems. But sectarianism whether it is Deobandi vs Barelvi or Sunni vs Shia has been exploited since the British days by the powers, that be to divide and weaken the Muslim community.

During the recent impasse, the BJP leaders posed as the friends of the Shia community and tried not only to win their sympathy but their political support. The Shias must understand that not Hub-be-Ali but Bughz-e-Muawiya activated the BJP which is essentially hostile to the Muslim Indians, as a community.

The Sunnis should not force the Shias to embrace the BJP and the Shias should not seek strength in reliance on the BJP Shias constitute a minority within a minority. This creates its own complexes and generates its own compulsions. The Sunnis must try to understand the mind of the Shias and show sensitivity to their legitimate rights and aspirations. Mohurram - the remembrance of the great sacrifice of Hazrat Imam Husain - should unite and should not be permitted to divide the Muslims.

Sunni Ulema should organise Majlis-c-Zikr-c-Husain during the first 10 days of Mohurram and invite Shia Mujtahids to participate. Similarly, they should ensure that Madah-e-Sahaba does not turn into Qadah-e-Ahl-e-bait.

DIALOGUE IN LUCKNOW

The Sunnis and the Shias of Lucknow should resolve their differences through direct dialogue and they do not have to go very far. Lucknow is the seat of Darul-Uloom Nadwat-ul-Ulema whose rector is the internationally known and universally respected Islamic scholar Maulana Syed Abul Hasan Ali Nadvi. Lucknow is also the abode of the most well-known Shia Mujtahid. The Lucknow Muslims should unanimously request Maulana Nadvi and Dr. Kalbe Sadiq to give a verdict and appoint a Joint Committee to supervise the implementation of the verdict The Lucknow Muslims owe it to the larger Muslim community to come to terms with each other. So do Maulana Nadvi and Dr. Kalbe Sadiq to play a decisive role at this historic juncture and find a just and equitable solution. After all, they are also the President and Vice-President of the All-India Muslim Personal Law Board.

And the Muslims of Lucknow, Sunnis and Shias, should jointly observe the Prophet's Day, 2 months after Mohurram, and thus celebrate their unity and their common faith in Allah, Mohammad and the man.

New Delhi,                                                                                                                                   

1 November, 1997