Shahid A. Chaudhary on the Pretensions of the Bukharis: Muslim Leadership, Electoral Influence and the 1996 UP Elections


 

MUSLIM LEADERSHIP

Shahid A. Chaudhary on Pretentions of the Bukharis

 

 

 (Abdullah Bukhari) came into limelight on Friday 2, 1975. On that day he marched to the office of Delhi Waqf Board at Daryaganj and created a violent scene so as to be in total control of the Jama Masjid. Ever since he has used the mosque, built by Mughal emperor Shahjahan, as his private property.

This incident was enough for the maverick of Indian politics, HN. Bahuguna, to convince himself of the fact that the imam could be used as a symbol of Muslim anger against the government of Indira Gandhi. Due to the oppression of Muslims during Emergency, the public in general and the minority communities in particular had developed a dislike for the Congress party and the Nehru- Gandhi family Bahuguna exploited this resentment and another self-styled leader in Syed Abdullah Bukhari was dumped on the Muslim community.

Elevated to a position of strength by both Bahuguna and the media, the imam has been exploiting the changed scenario to his advantage. On the eve of every election in the country, he appeals to Muslims to vote for a particular political party. In general elections of 1977, he worked for the Janata Party. However, within three years he got disillusioned with it for reasons best known to him. In 1980 and 1984, he issued appeals in favor of Congress.

In 1989 he again switched sides and showed his preference for the Janata Party. This liking continued till 1991. However, in 1996, his utterness and antics indirectly helped Congress, as in 1977, 1980, 1984 and 1991. Muslims had already made up their mind to support the party for which the imam appealed. An impression was created that India's largest minority exercises its right to franchise in accordance with the wishes of Bukhari. The imam was caught on the wrong foot during the Lok Sabha election of 1996. He and his son Ahmad Bukhari spoke in favor of Congress. Muslims were not in a mood to forgive the party which they believed was instrumental in demolishing the Babari Masjid at Ayodhya and forcing thousands of innocent youths into jails under TADA.

Summer 1996 conclusively proved that the imam had no control over the votes of Muslims... In 1993 the imam had a dislike for Kanshi Ram and BSP. The reasons were obvious: Kanshi Ram had called Muslim traitors. Time and again he said from public platforms that he did not need Muslim vote and his language for Muslim leaders had always been abusive. Now the question arises: why has the imam come out in favor of BSP?

According to Babari Masjid Action Committee leader Javed Habib: "The Imam had no other alternative. Muslims cannot vote for the BJP and they are still angry with the Congress, particularly in UP. Therefore, these options were counted out. The United Front was overlooked because of Mulayam Singh Yadav, who has challenged the imam's supposed influence with the Muslims. So, the choice ultimately narrowed down to the BSP" However, it is reliably learnt that the imam's appeal for BSP came in lieu of ten assembly seats and two Rajya Sabha seats for his confidants. A source close to the imam revealed that the exchange of money could also not be ruled out.

Be that as it may, the all-important question is as to how effective (was) the imam's appeal. Bukhari is a creation of the media. He does not influence Muslims but his opinion works as a catalyst for Hindutva activists. No sooner than the imam's appeal is issued a message is spread by the Hindu communalists that they should also listen to their religious leaders because Muslims obey their clergy. As a result, the appeal of Bukhari is counter- productive.

The reports emanating from different Muslim pockets in UP suggest that the imam (was) condemned by Muslim organizations both political and social. At places like Meerut, Roorkee and Saharanpur his effigy has also been burnt in protest.

(Source: The Nation and the World)

 

 

BSP: Views of President Kanshi Ram on BJP: Neither I nor my party have ever called the BJP communal; this is a lie.

On Communalism: I believe that gangsterism is more dangerous. Communalism comes next. Communalism is a bigger threat for Muslim society but the bigger threat to Bahujan Samaj is the politics of gangsterism.

On Formation of Government in UP: When our government is formed with the support of the BJP, Congress will separate itself from us. If the BJP or the UF agrees to extend unconditional support to us, we are prepared to ditch Congress.

On Muslim Vote: Ask Bukhari how many Muslim candidates of the BSP won because of him. Bukhari has to answer why he could not deliver Muslim votes to the BSP.

(Source: Rashtriya Sahara, 21-27 October, 1996)

 

UP Election, 1996: Voting Intention by Caste/Religion (% of Voters)

Caste/Religion                                    BJP          BSP/Cong               UF

Brahmin/Vaishya                                 85                   6                      4

Other Forward Castes                         79                    5                     10

Rajputs, Bhumihars,

Kayastas, Jats etc.)

Yadavs                                                14                    9                      74

OBC (excluding Yadavs)                    55                  18                      20

SC                                                        5                    81                     11

Muslim                                                1                    25                     66

 (Source: The Times of India, 30 September, 1996)





Download Whole Month's Document
       

Muslim India Magazine Archives