The real problems within the BJP started after Vajpayee assumed office and the RSS presumed that the government would function as an extension of the Nagpur secretariat. From the time of the government formation till the time Vajpayee lost the vote of confidence in April, he was acutely hamstrung ... The crux of the problems between the Sangh and the government was that the cadre - and also certain sections of the RSS leadership - felt that though it was 'their government', it had done nothing to implement any of the original agenda of the Sangh Parivar. Vajpayee and his team sought cover under the argument of 'compulsions of coalition politics' but it cut very little ice with the bulk of the Sangh Parivar. In time it even isolated Advani from significant sections within the RSS, indicating that the RSS had not yet come to terms with the BJP attempt to abandon attempts to become the 'next Congress'

By cementing the loss alliance after weeding out potential troublemakers, the BJP is now committed to the National Democratic Alliance. The commitment is necessary for the BJP and this became first evident when the party took the lead in formulating the National Agenda for Governance. Later on, despite reservations within the Sangh Parivar, the government stuck to the papers ... It was' evident that this was a government that was clear about what not to do: no Ayodhya, no Uniform Civil Code, no dramatic amendment to the Constitution and above all no real tampering with the social fabric.

Sharp utterances on key issues that had catapulted the BJP to its pre-eminent position - in other words, the real agenda of the RSS - were put on the backburner by the government. Both the party and government were circumspect about raising any issue that might have incensed its alliance partners. In fact, party leaders were prepared for resentment from within its ranks, but they were unwilling to risk the political isolation once again. It is true that attacks on Christians emerged as one of the major chapters of social discord during Vajpayee's tenure, but this was localised and not allowed to snowball into a nationwide issue.

There is little doubt that the more the NDA is strengthened - either on account of electoral compulsions or because of the genuine pressure emerging out of the inner dynamics of the Sangh Parivar - its distance from the ideological agenda of the Sangh Parivar would widen. The NDA is in the process of emerging as a Right-Centrist alliance ... some concessions are likely to be made in the social sector for electoral reasons and also because of the need to cater to the vote bank of various alliance partners. The BJP has little choice but to continue putting the interest of its allies before its own. Though finding it discomforting, the RSS leadership has little choice: it cither forces the BJP to change tack and risk losing whatever little share of power it has, or it accepts the situation as it is and hopes that at least some of its policies are implemented by the government. It is indeed ironical that despite providing the mainframe of the NDA, the RSS finds itself perilously short of ideological endorsements. The RSS viewpoint these days is indeed guided by the  preference for the proverbial bird in hand.

The NDA is unlikely to survive an electoral setback ... The return of single-party governance would indicate the voters' rejection of political federalism and would again push the BJP into providing that it had the capacity to become 'another Congress'. That would necessarily mean a return to the RSS agenda with social strife being one of the recurring factors. It is thus evident that the allies of the BJP can keep the best 'check' on the RSS agenda. Social harmony shall prevail only it the BJP is guided by the need to assuage junior partners and the imperatives of governance. But the NDA also faces the dangers of disintegrating in the event of the BIP deciding to force contentious issues as part of national consensus. That however would be primarily decided by the RSS ... The future of the NDA hinges on how much elbow room it is allowed ...(Source: The Sunday, 1-7August, 1999)