Restoring Confidence? Editorial, The Hindu, 22 June, 2000

It is regrettable that the question of autonomy for J&K, so vital for reversing the alienation of its people, should continue to be clouded by narrow, partisan and ideologically sectarian considerations ... The politicisation of such a vital debate and an acrimonious exchange of accusations between the main players (has) pre-empted serious and rational discussion on the. Substantive autonomy-related issues in the light of the ... report.

The demand for autonomy in the case of J&K has to be placed in the context of the nation's categorical commitment to a special status for the State under the Instrument of Accession, the spirit of which is symbolised in part by Article 370, and the progressive dilution the special Constitutional guarantees have suffered over the years for various reasons.

recommendations of the SAC seek to restore, by and large, the pre-1953 position ... To be realistic, any autonomy package has to be a modern or updated version of the 1952 or 1975 accord - one that, while respecting the unique political heritage of the State, recognises the ground realities and coheres with the evolving federal system. No less imperative is that 'autonomy' for the State is seen as part, of the decentralisation process, with the long neglected regional and sub-regional interests getting a slice of the development cake and securing participation in governance ... The main objective of restoring autonomy .. is to restore the confidence of its people who now stand alienated. This means 'autonomy' initiatives should be consistent with and complementary to the Centre's calibrated moves to engage the Hurriyat leadership in negotiations for a possible political solution ... As long as the BJP continues to swear by its 'ideological' commitment to the abrogation of Article 370 ... the sincerity of the NDA regime's initiatives designed to win them over, and, in an extended sense, find a political

Beyond the Valley Editorial, The Hindustan Times, 22 June, 2000

... Ladakhis are not alone in their opposition to the controversial (Autonomy) report. There is a significant section of public opinion in the Jammu region as well which is opposed to the move that seeks to turn the clock back to 1953 in terms of the State's relationship with the Centre. With such intra-regional divergence to the autonomy issue, the outcome of the special. session is bound to be divisive and contentious in character.

... The Chief Minister should have tried to evolve a consensus between the State's three regions on the subject before pushing the ball into the Centre's court (by) responding to the longstanding demand for an internal devolution of powers to the regions. Over the years and despite repeated assurances, there have been little movement in this direction ... Many in Ladakh and Jammu are apprehensive that the entire exercise is actually geared towards seeking greater powers for the ruling elite in Srinagar at the expense of the other two regions.

However, this critique ... need not be interpreted as an argument against the principle of autonomy ... It would be unrealistic to expect much advance on the proposal to revert J&K to the pre-1953 constitutional position, even if the State Assembly were to back it up with a resolution ...

It is only through an informed and sensitive debate which takes into account the aspirations and grievances of all sections of the State that public opinion on an autonomy package can be evolved ...

Farooq's Gambit - Editorial, The Indian Express, 23 June, 2000

What exactly is J&K Chief Minister Farooq Abdullah's intent? Why is he, thus far verging on the excessively agreeable in his relations with the Centre, suddenly confrontational? ... Two interpretations. Have been offered for Abdullah's sudden vehemence. One, he is worried about his vote garnering appeal in the forthcoming assembly elections ... So, goes the argument, he is merely fabricating a rallying point - as much to enthuse his National Conference party members as to construct an electoral platform to facilitate re-election a year hence.

That may be. It is equally evident that there is a second dynamic at work; with a gathering swirl of hints and rumours indicating serious confabulations between the Government of India and separatist formations like the Hurriyat Conference, Abdullah would like to emphasize his integral role in any discussions on a political settlement. In a perfect world, Abdullah's somewhat  escalatory tactics would be forgivable - many politicians before him have resorted to obfuscating issues before the electorate as well as throwing tantrums at the prospect of doubtful relevance ... Yes, autonomy is a legitimate demand of the Kashmiris; its scope in the current context may be debatable but its historical relevance cannot be doubted. But by riding roughshod over all dissenting voices within J&K and without ... Abdullah has not served his people's cause well ... One cannot emphasize enough that any initiative that carries the seeds of further strife cannot be tolerated.

The consequences are already fructifying ... Surely, Farooq must have been aware that any demand for wide-ranging autonomy would threaten the populations of Ladakh and Jammu. Indeed, his party may declare that it holds the territorial integrity of the state dear, but surely it is clear that the National Conference's new rallying point would only make demands for trifurcation more shrill.

 Politics of Autonomy Editorial, The Hindustan Times, 28 June, 2000

Any attempt to force the issue can only be counter-productive not least because it will result in a hardening of attitudes on all sides.

... It is extremely unlikely that the proposal will receive wide endorsement in the rest of the country. As a result, the very move towards autonomy may suffer a setback although no one will deny that nowhere is the need for it more urgent than in Kashmir. In fact, a patient evaluation of the situation might have yielded agreement on a status not substantially different from what is now being sought. Yet, now that the demand has been presented in such stark terms, resistance is inevitable.

Just a year after Kargil which has seen an aggravation of the security situation in the State, this is not the best of times for such a controversial measure ... It is not difficult to discern a political motive ... It is possible that his resort to the dramatic measure is a desperate attempt to boost his sagging political fortunes. The timing is also significant in the context of the Centre's recent decision to renew the dialogue with the Hurriyat, implying the existence of political forces nearly as important as the National Conference in the Valley. Whatever the move, all that the Chief Minister has really achieved is to bring the  autonomy question to the forefront again with a specific set of proposals ...

 Political Myopia Thwarting Holistic Approach Editorial, The Mainstream,1 July, 2000

. Farooq Abdullah as the Jammu & Kashmir Chief Minister has once again indulged in his favour pastime: the game of one-upmanship. He is a member of the ruling coalition at the Centre; and yet he allows his party to pass in the State Assembly a resolution on autonomy for Jammu & Kashmir that would guarantee the pre-1953 status to the State - without initiating any national debate on such a vital issue. By this he wants to divert attention from his own misgovernance and mal-administration (which have added to the woes of the already alienated populace of the KashmirValley) and in the process win back the public support and sympathy he has substantially lost since 1996. This development has evoked howls of protest from the BJP and Congress while the negative reaction to the proposal form the Jammu and Ladakh regions has heightened fears that the move might trigger a communal division of the State, something neither the RSS nor the Muslim fundamentalists drawing sustenance from across the border are averse to. Although the demand for autonomy per se should not be construed as "retrograde" s the BJP has sought to project out of petty calculations, objectively what Dr. Abdullah has done amounts to playing with fire.

The Centre obviously is on the horns of a dilemma: As The Indian Express has aptly explained, If the autonomy demand is opposed, it may help improve Abdullah's prospects at the next elections but at the cost of stoking more popular discontent with the Union. If it appears to take the demand seriously, the BJP's own house is likely to be rocked.

So it has pointed out that instead of adopting a "reactive policy" the Centremust take the initiative into its own hands and set an agenda which involves consideration of various autonomy scenarios as well as devolution of power to the local bodies.

This indeed is the way out of the impasse. But the vital question is: devoid of a holistic approach well beyond any sectarian outlook, can the Centre chart out such a course? ...

Autonomy Thin End of Separatist Wedge Editorial, The Statesman, 3 July, 2000

... Farooq Abdullah's ... handling of the autonomy report issue showcases desperation and dishonesty ... The autonomy demand is dangerous because it will segregate J&K from the national mainstream and send out wrong signals to militants and their Pakistani-Afghan sponsors.

Militants will read Abdullah's move as a response to the impending negotiations between the Hurriyat and the Centre. Which in turn can only be read as an aversion to a political solution to the Kashmir problem. Abdullah has to realise that he and his party are not the "sole spokesmen" of Kashmir. There are many voices which represent Kashmiriyat and those which choose to do so by legitimate means - talks, negotiation and compromise -must be heard. Because what is at stake is the integrity of the nation-state and the future prosperity and peace of the Kashmiri people who have suffered many years of militancy and ... state oppression ...

There is another dimension to the problem. The Kashmir autonomy demand has already prompted elements in Punjab to make similar demands ... This will be a serious setback for the Punjab peace process ... Maverick, unstable and irresponsible elements like the egregious Ghisingh will also be encouraged. The fallout in the already besieged North-east will be immense and adverse. Given this situation, the Centre must decisively reject Abdullah's moves ... It can certainly be argued that the structure of the Indian Union can be reviewed ... But the

federal review has to be holistic, with a view to meet legitimate regional aspirations on the firm basis of administrative convenience - it cannot be based on special status for the politically ambitious.