FROM THE EDITOR’S DESK
THOUGHTS ON EDUCATING THE MUSLIM INDIANS
Educationally, the Muslim Indians are not only backward but deprived. The literacy level is low as compared to the national average; that of women, appallingly low at the primary level the enrollment level is low and at the secondary level the output level is very low due to high drop-out level. The proportion at the higher secondary and university level, particularly in professional and post-graduation courses is very poor. Overall literacy is below the national level.
Undoubtedly the social, economic and political status of the community depends on its educational level which determines its representation both at the policy and decision-making level and in the executive and implementation machinery. In a hostile environment, the effectiveness of their endeavour for equality and justice will depend to a large extent on their quality of representation, on the logic of articulation, on the. Effectiveness of communication, on the accuracy of observation. All this, above all, calls for high educational level in the community as a whole and men and women of high attainments in every walk of life.
The education of the Muslims must be distinguished from Muslim or Islamic Education. There is no such thing as Muslim Education and Islamic Education implies knowledge of the basics of Islam for the individual Muslims and the availability of men of knowledge and expertise to guide the community in religious matters. As a religious group, the Muslim Indians are concerned with maintaining their religious identity and, therefore, with transmission of basic knowledge about religion to the younger generation and with the production of experts in Hadith, Fiqh, Qirat, Hifz ('Ulema) inappropriate numbers, not only to lead congregational prayers in the mosques but to act as religious counsellors and even perform judicial and quasi-judicial functions. But the question of educating the community is largely a question of imparting modern education, on par with the other communities.
Secondly, the education of the Muslim community (apart from religious instruction) is as usual the responsibility of the States as forth other communities. In any case the Muslim Indians do not have the material resources to educate themselves. Therefore, in a democratic-secular set-lip.the State cannot ignore their educational needs. Nor should they themselves feel any hesitation in seeking Stare attention and State aid and assistance for their own educational priorities, activities and endeavours as a religious minority.
Thirdly, the education of Muslim community should be clearly distinguished from the promotion of Urdu. For one thing. Urdu is not the mother-tongue of all the Muslim Indians. Secondly, every State has a principal language which is the language of the administration,' of the economy, increasingly of the polity, including the judiciary. Many Muslim Indians in every linguistic region, almost 100% in States like Kerala, Tamilnadu and Bengal have the principal language as their Mother Tongue. On one hand, this facilitates education and, on the other makes it necessary for them to learn Arabic (and to some extent Urdu) for access to minimum religious knowledge required by a Muslim to be a Muslim. Increasingly Urdu will be overtaken by the other national languages as a storehouses of information about Islam though their need to learn Arabic and thus read (and understand) the Quran will always be there.
Fourthly; secular education must pave the way for economically productive occupation in marketable trades. Hence beyond high school, vocational training must become available as a Second Track, particularly for those who are not intelligent or keen enough to benefit from higher secondary or university education or to compete their way in to professional courses.
Throughout the country, Muslim communities are experimenting' with education. Some experiments like medical and engineering colleges, an expression of latent gigantomania and’ consequent ego-satisfaction at the end of it all, fail to find Muslim entrants insufficient numbers. Some have experimented public schools whose capacity and, therefore, impact is definitely limited. There experiments show nothing more than religious zeal. Some experiments cater to self-interest such as, opening Maktabs and Madarsas everywhere and calling them Jamias primarily for providing self-employment for a graduate of a religious seminary or for supplementing the income of a poorly paid Imam of a Masjid.
EDUCATIONAL OBJECTIVES OF THE COMMUNITY
The objective must be clearly defined: to universalise religious instruction for every Muslim child up to the age of 10, when he/she is expected to complete primary education (Class V); to universalise secondary education up to Class X; to provide for the best possible education of quality, for at least 10% of those who pass the secondary examination. At Plus 2/Intermediate level in order to prepare them for admission to University Professional Education; and provide vocational training to the others who have dropped out, after primary school or during secondary school, and have not done well in the high school examination. Finally, the objective must include production of Ulema, Muftis, Qaris, Huffaz as we'll as universalisation of functional literacy among the adults who have never entered the educational stream.
FUNDING OF EDUCATION
It is my considered view that the primary, the secondary and the vocational education must be funded by the State while the religious instruction at the primary level (and higher religious education) must be funded by the community itself. In addition, forsaking the option of medical and engineering colleges and public schools of its own the Muslim community must establish higher secondary schools/intermediate colleges for Plus-Two (what is called A-level) as Centres of Excellence to which admission should be on the basis of merit and which should have the best educational environment, the best available teachers and congenial residential facilities. One hopes that Muslim States and organisations like the Islamic Development Bank shall and foundations like Abdus Salam Foundation shall come forward to invest in the employment and income oriental education of the Muslim Indians who form 12% of the world Muslim population.
PROGRAMME OF ACTION
The solution lies in ensuring government facilities for primary and secondary education and vocational training centres/technical training institutes on the basis of national norms, in areas of Muslim concentration, in Panchayats, Blocks and Towns/Wards of cities because, in the existing environment, the Muslim habitants tend to be neglected by the State authorities. The only way out is to exert political pressure on the system by calling the authorities to account, by confronting them with demands, by mobilising support among local legislators/cadres of political parties and by raising a corps of social workers from within the community. The action lies at the grass-roots levels and cannot be undertaken in a centralised manner though the progress can and should be monitored at the district, State or Central level.
As forth higher secondary institutions and technical training Institutes, the identified key areas of self-help, the resources of the community have to be mobilised such as
Zakat, Sadqat and Income from Wakfs. For this the Educational Movement has to be revived and restructured, with the vertical and horizontal integration of educational groups. Societies, associations and conferences at-every level. Unity and solidarity are the sine quo nor for the success of this Educational Jihad.
As for the religious instruction, the Masjids must serve as Maktabs to be attended by Muslim children of the locality - for 2 hours every morning, for 5 years. An appropriate course can be evolved which would impart essential knowledge about Islam - its basic tenets arid practices, its social and cultural code and about the Holy Prophet, proficiency in reading the Quran (if possible, with literal meaning in the mother-tongue) and elementary Arabic, apart from information on the history of the Islamic peoples and of the contemporary Muslim World, in particular Muslim India.
PARALLEL TRACKS FOR SECULAR AND THEOLOGICALEDUCATION
It is assured that, some children who show great inclination towards religion can switch over to Higher Madarsas / Jamias such as Darul-Uloom, Deoband, or Darul- Uloom Nadwatul Ulema, Lucknow or the Darul-Uloom, lamias of various Islamic Sects at Varanasi, Lucknow, Bareilly, Hyderabad, Vellore, Bangalore, Calicut etc. as whole-time students and go on to qualify as Qari or Hafiz or acquire proficiency in Tafsir, Hadith and Fiqh and Arabic language and Literature. The Madarsa System has, however, grown and is growing in a haphazard manner. Muslim Ulema must sit down and work out a plan for its reorganisation,' so that Maktabs, Madarsas/Jamias etc. equivalent to Primary, Secondary, Higher Secondary, Degree and Postgraduate Colleges and Post-graduate Departments (up to Doctorate) are identified and equitably spaced throughout the country in accordance with the concentration of Muslim population.
What is also needed is a system of standardization and affiliation with well-known institutions whose degrees will be recognised by at least some Universities. This would enable students in the Secular and Religious tracks to change tracks at several junctions such as the secondary and higher secondary certificate, BA or MA degrees.
Modernization of the curriculum to include languages, arithmetic, general science and social studies is also needed, without disturbing its essentially theological character so that the products do not turn into” neither fish nor fowl". It is doubtful, however, that the Ulema, divided as they are among various sects and anxious to hold onto "their own” institutions, later turned into patrimonies, will agree to shift the location, to accept standardization to change the contents and syllabus, to agree to affiliation and to accept any academic discipline without which no systematic rationalization or reorganisation is possible. The mushroom growth can be controlled either by law or by rising consciousness in the Muslim community on whose generosity they thrive.
MUSLIMALIENATION
Assuming that the State, under political pressure, treats Muslim Indians equally and justly in establishing and locating schools and vocational training centres will the Muslim community come forth to derive full benefits? This is doubtful. Not because the Muslim Indians are averse to secular education but because they find the school culture, as well as the content of education objectionable from a religious angle and they find little point in their children investing valuable time and energy in the pursuing of a course which has little prospect of economic or social return. Secular education provided by the State must be truly secular which it is not. It is becoming increasingly a means of propagating Hindu values and cosmology and inculcating a Hindu ethos in non-Hindu children at an impressionable age. The school culture comprising prayers' and songs, with' or without drills, observance of festivals and welcome ceremonies is largely based on Hindu practices. Text books of languages and Social Studies ignore or misrepresent other religions and focus on Hinduism, Hindu Scriptures, Hindu epics and mythologies. History text books give a perverted and Hindu-centred perspective and present the rule of Kings who had Muslim names a period of darkness and persecution, thus igniting communal sentiments.
What is worse, Urdu-speaking children are forced to receive even primary instruction through the medium of Hindi or the principal language of the State and deprived of facilities to learn their Mother Tongue at the high school or higher secondary level, never as First Language, as it should be under the 3-Language Formula and sometimes totally when they are forced to choose the Principal Language of the state, Hindi and English.
Muslim community thus tends to look at the State education system as a deliberate and well-planned exercise in deculturalization and de-Islamisation leading towards loss of presented as the national mainstream? Historically, it was their legitimate fear of religious and cultural submergence which led to their support of Pakistan and continues to alienate the Muslims. Particularly in North India. And prevents them from taking full advantages of educational facilities. religious and cultural identity and assimilation in the Hindu culture. Which is being.
Also unless the reservation in public employment which would open avenues for gainful employment and social status, many Muslim parents will continue to look at secular education as a waste of resources. Time and energy.
To sum up to promote secular education in the Muslim community to the same level as the
Rest of the nation. Not only due facilities need to be provided in Muslim concentration areas but a sincere effort needs to be made to make the school culture and content of education truly non-communal. To introduce mother-tongue as the medium of primary education and give it the pride of place in secondary education, to provide employment opportunities and to mobilise the community itself to invest its own sparse resources for specially identified purposes. And to strive for the government establishing due number of educational institutions in Muslim concentration areas.
Thus alone 1/8ofourpopulationcanplayitsduerole and make us due contribution to the progress of our nation.
New Delhi, 1 January 1997
I have been fascinated by your Editorial in the December 1996 issue"Towardsthe Third Liberation". I should confess that I do not often sec eye to eye with you on many matters you write about but this particular piece is something out of the ordinary. You seem to have gone away from the rut of day to day events and taken a long term view of the way Indian politics is developing. I wish someone would do a soio-political study of the way things have been going from the nineties onwards. I feel you are being a little carried away by your own rhetoric towards the end of the article when you look forward to the Utopia of the Third Liberation to come, I agree it will come, perhaps later than sooner.
-V.Abdullah, Chennai
