The Other Backward Castes (OBC) leaders ... retreated for a while but regrouped with a fresh offensive demanding a quota within a quota for OBC women as their strategy. They were soon joined by a section of Muslim male leaders demanding a similar quota for Muslim women as well ..

The proportion of Muslims in our Parliament and state legislatures does not match their numerical strength in the population. But then the whole idea of communal electorates was rejected by the Indian leadership because that demand had culminated in the Partition of the sub-continent. In any case, can we consider a quota for Muslim women without conceding a quota for Muslim men? It is obvious that Muslim male leaders are bringing in the issue of religion-based quotas through the backdoor using their women as a sword rather than fighting their battle on their own strength .:.   (Source: The Manushi, No. 107)

 Shahabuddin's Letter, 30 January, 1999

In your article 'The Logic of Quotas' you have referred to the Muslim community (men and women)'s demand for a Muslim quota within the propose women's quota. While admitting its logic in terms of under-representation, you have brushed it aside on the ground that communal electorate was rejected by the national leadership during the Freedom Movement. This is simply not true. What the national leadership had all along opposed was separate electorate and not reservation for the Muslim community. Even the draft Constitution provided, on the recommendation of the Advisory Committee on Fundamental Rights, reservation for Muslims in public employment and legislatures, but on the basis of joint electorate. This was skillfully manourved out of the final reading of the Constitution and the Muslim community was topped off with assurances by Nehru and Patel of 'generous' treatment. But the Muslims have been consistently under-represented in legislatures and today in the Parliament their deprivation level is 60%. From several important states there is no Muslim representation at all. In some Assemblies there are simply no Muslim MLAs'. So the Muslim demand for the quota has an existential logic, if democracy and social justice, in a plural and segmented society mean participation in governance and sharing of power by all segments. Since 1994, the demand for reservation for Muslims has been on the national agenda but the proposal for reservation for women in legislatures created a critical situation. Obviously if Muslim men cannot get elected, under the present dispensation, Muslim women will not be. This will mean that the deprivation level will rise to 75-80%. So the Muslim community has no option but to ask for a proportionate share out of 33% i.e. 4% for the Muslim women. The situation of the OBC's or of relatively advanced minorities, Christians and Sikhs is quite different. They are all well-represented in. the legislatures.

The Muslim community does not mind whether men or women of 'high' caste or 'low' caste represent the community. It needs representation to articulate its problems and sensitivities, because no one else will.

I do not know why reservation for women is not being demanded in public employment or higher education.