Kalyan Singh and the BJP’s New Political Strategy: Power, Hindutva, Caste Mobilisation and the Changing Face of Leadership


 

NATIONAL POLITICS

Ajit Kumar Jha on Kalyan Singh, the Third Avatar in the BJP

 

 

 

Editorial writers have forgotten to applaud the latest victor emerging from Lucknow, the great 'hero' of Ayodhya. Mr. Kalyan Singh is the modern hero, who like the Prince of Niccolo Machiavelli, practices politics devoid of morality. For him was coined the phrase " nothing succeeds like success", and, indeed, it is an irony that the rule of law was enforced in UP to give a fresh lease of political life to a man who has no compunctions about breaking the law, whether in Ayodhya or Lucknow. Indeed, Kalyan Singh has the distinction of being the only chief minister in the country who was convicted and sentenced for a breach of law by the highest court of the land.

With the emergence of its latest hero, the BJP is witnessing the third Avatar of its leadership - the new pragmatic face. Just as the charisma of its mass mobiliser. Advani had begun to wane and the magic of its most acceptable face, former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, started to diminish transforming him, in the words of party strategist Govindacharya, into a 'loudspeaker and theatrical mask', along comes the backward caste mascot of the Hindutva brigade.

Kalyan Singh might lack both charisma and charm, but this new 'Demolition Man' is today the most dynamic and perhaps the most formidable leader of the party. For him, none of the attempts to go it alone by building a credible base make sense. He is impatient with adversaries; he is an ageing man in a hurry. He is not bound by the promises made by party leaders like Vajpayee, who swore on May 18, 1996, "We (the BJP) assure you. If power comes our way by breaking other parties, I will never want to touch such power even with a bargepole." Kalyan Singh believes in grabbing power by wrecking and poaching on the foes and friends alike.

This fiercely independent Lodh leader formulated his own pragmatic ideology and framed his own rules of the game. Whenever legal constraints blocked his path, he decided to bend the rules to suit his own political interests. In that he is not very different from the new crop of mass leaders which controls politics in the Hindi heartland - among them Laloo Prasad Yadav, Mulayam Singh Yadav and Mayawati. Notwithstanding their role as first-rate mobilisers, they have redefined the very idiom of politics in the country: under them populism has replaced legalism. In fact, Kalyan Singh is the BJP's answer to this new brand of ruthless machine-style politics.

He opposed the alliance between the scheduled Castes and upper castes and instead built up an alternative alliance of the most backward castes (MBCs) and the upper castes in UP ... As evidence, consider the BJP strategy in the 1996 Vidhan Sabha elections in UP of creating the MBC votebanks and the fact that the 22 MLAs of the newly-formed Loktantrik Congress are mostly from the savarna castes. But his non-legal methods can only be destructive in the long-run. In addition, if the new anti-BJP alliance among the BSP, the Samajwadi Party and the rump Congress takes shape, then surely Kalyan Singh might well be presiding over yet another potentially unstable coalition.                                                                                   

(Source: The ??????????? , 26 October, 1997)

 

 

BJP: History Sheeters in Kalyan Singh Government

Cabinet Minister

Party

No. of Cases

Markandeya Chand

BSP

10 Cases

Bachcha Pathak

LC

5 Cases

Sardar Singh

BSP

6 Cases

Harishankar Tiwari

LC

25 Cases

Shyam Sunder Sharma

LC

18 Cases

Raja Bhaiya

Ind.

8 Cases

Shiv Pratap Shukla

BJP

Detained under NSA

Rakesh Dhar Tripathi

BJP

2 Cases

Renu Prasad Kamal

BSP

6 Cases

Bhagwan Singh Shakya

BSP

7 Cases

Dr. Arvind Kumar Jain

BJP

4 Cases

Amar Mani Tripathi

LC

18 Cases

Prem Prakash Singh

BSP

15 Cases

Vinay Pandey

LC

5 Cases

Rakesh Tyagi

LC

6 Cases

Sri Ram Sonkar

BJP

5 Cases

 

[Note: LC-Loktantrik Congress]

These cases include attempt to murder, murder, dacoity, kidnapping, rioting and robbery.  (Source: The Outlook, 10 November, 1997)

 

 

RSS Chief's Annual Dussehra Address (Excerpts)

While taking oath as chief minister, Shri Kalyan Singh reiterated the commitment to rebuild the temple on the Ramjanmabhoomi. This raised the eye-brows of many persons. As if the communal harmony is disturbed and is in danger but the realities are quite different. One may ask was their communal harmony before Ramjanmabhoomi agitation in the country? Before Shiv Sena-BJP coalition came to power in Maharashtra, every year, stones were pelted on the procession of Ganapati immersion at one place or the other. In Ahmedabad such attacks were repeated on traditional Ratha Yatra. In Kerala it was difficult to move in Muslim localities in lungi.

The events like conversion in Meenakshipuram were continuing. So many happenings of this kind can be cited in every State. This can prove that the mentality as prior to Partition is still prevalent in Bharat. In such conditions, it is futile to sing songs of communal harmony. It is not effective.

The policy of appeasement of minority has been adopted from the pre-independence period. The best example is of Lucknow pact. The Muslim leaders had realized that by maintaining separate identity, they would reap maximum benefits. Then why should they bother about unity move? Due to this very appeasement policy, the Muslims could not assimilate in the mainstream of the nation. Since the Ramjanmabhoomi movement, we are insisting on pursuing the policy that there is neither any minority community nor majority community. All are sons of Bharat Mata.

Shri Ram occupies the first position in series of our national heroes. This has been clearly mentioned in our constitution also. It follows that those who accept and respect our constitution should accept Ram as our national hero. And it is natural therefore that a large temple should be built on the birthplace of Shri Ram as inspiring centre. There is possibility of change of mind in this direction if we continue insistence with one voice. Experiments of so-called secularists have failed since long. We are to find solution to this problem in a new light. This is the second facet of the Ramjanmabhoomi movement.

To awaken the self of the Nation, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad started the Ramjanmabhoomi movement. To give a shock treatment to the society to shed its slavish mentality of the last one thousand years, such a massive agitation was very necessary. As we march step-by-step towards success the slavish mentality will wither away.

Ramjanmabhoomi agitation awakens the nation's spirit. Pseudo-secularists cannot understand this ... They will definitely oppose the Ramjanmabhoomi movement. When the Sangh and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad were banned after the fall of the Babari structure, swayamsevaks went from house-to-house and collected more than ten crore signatures in favour of Ramjanmabhoomi agitation. During this contact programme only two per cent of the people were found either not willing to express their opinion or they posed as pseudo-secularists. The collected appeals with signatures were forwarded to President. This amply showed the will of the people. Those who express their resolve to reconstruct the temple are the worshippers of the national unity and they desire to make the nation strong.

(Source: The Organiser Deepavali Special, 26 October, 1997)

 

 

Saroj Nagi On BJP's 'Mask'

Is BJP leader Atal Behari Vajpayee really a "mask" for the party as party general secretary K.N. Govindacharya reportedly described him?

Behind the alleged use of the word "mask" was the assessment that the veteran leader had little role to play in the organisation which has its moorings in the RSS ideology of Hindutva and that the party was only using him as a front.

When the Jana Sangh broke away from the Janata Party to emerge as the BJP, the party, in its new avatar, appeared to flounder, unable to find its footing in a scenario dominated by the Congress.

Again, when the party established a distinct identity, particularly in pursuing the Ayodhya issue, it was Mr. Vajpayee who found himself at odds with it to some extent.

It is not as if Mr. Vajpayee is a "moderate" or a "liberal" as he is often portrayed to be. Nor has he strayed from the so-called "fundamentalist" path pursued by the Jana Sangh or the BJP. On basic issues he is at one with the Sangh philosophy. The only difference, if there is, lies in the method adopted to achieve party objectives.

During the BJP's ultra-fundamentalist phase Vajpayee was sidelined, even marginalised.

But after the Babari Masjid was demolished, robbing the BJP of its electorally potent weapon, the party became politically untouchable for many Centrist and Left forces. it was now that Vajpayee was again brought to the forefront, primarily to use his calming influence.

The insinuation is that despite the veteran leader's reach other had failed to come out in support of him. Despite his public image Vajpayee has remained a controversial figure in the party because of his lifestyle and views.





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