One evening Sheikh Abdullah gave a reception for the Commission in the famous Shalimar gardens ... After the party I went for a walk with Sheikh Abdullah. He spoke at length about the origin of his movement, his fight against the Maharaja, and the problem of accession. Here was a Muslim leader who believed, as did India, in a non-communal, secular state but who was aware of e fanatical devotion of his followers to Islam. What, then should he do? Pakistan was a reactionary country, he said, and he was convinced that a union of Kashmir with Pakistan would finally work against the interests of his people. They would be better off with India - but what could he do if the sentiments of his people pushed them in a direction against his better judgement?
Sheikh Abdullah did not conceal his helplessness. "I have meditated about four possible solutions to our problem," he said. "First or second-accession to India or Pakistan through a plebiscite. This could not take place in less than three years because of the destruction of the country and the dislocation of its population. Even then it would be difficult to ascertain impartially the wishes of the people scattered over large areas and possibly subjected to intimidation. Would such a plebiscite be democratic and would India or Pakistan accept the verdict?
"Third, there is a possibility of independence under the joint guarantee of India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, China and the Soviet Union ... But even should Kashmir's powerful neighbours agree to give us a guarantee of independence, I doubt, that it could last for long.
"There is in my opinion, therefore, only one solution open," Sheikh Abdullah concluded. "That is the division of the country. If it is not achieved, the fighting will continue; India and Pakistan will prolong the quarrel indefinitely and our people's suffering will go on".
I asked whether the conflict could not be settled by way of arbitration. He replied that he personally would be agreeable to an attempt, but was convinced that neither India nor Pakistan would agree, and most certainly not on the composition of an arbitration committee.
It was difficult to judge from his rather melancholic reasoning whether Abdullah fully followed the attitude of Pandit Nehru. The Indian government had indicated previously its willingness to divide Kashmir between India and Pakistan. But there seemed to be this important difference - that while India seemed ready to divide the country as a realistic solution, Sheikh Abdullah saw in it an act of desperation and last resort. We knew, however, that Pakistan would refuse to consider any division of the country which would give the Valley of Kashmir with its overwhelming majority of Muslims to India. She felt she could not abandon the fate of the Kashmiris who preferred (the Pakistanis were sure) to join Pakistan. And indeed the Commission's experience in Kashmir supported this opinion.
(Source: Danger in Kashmir by Joseph Korbel)