KASHMIR SITUATION

B.G. Verghese on Autonomy for J&K and Indo-Pakistan Confederation

The current polls mark a political thaw that could herald spring in J&K. There will be many to counsel caution against acting "hastily" and conceding "100 much" with the fading presence of the gun. On the contrary, this is the time for innovative statesmanship, magnanimity, compassion and understanding. With the ballot prevailing over the bullet, it would be tragic to forfeit the battle for hearts and minds which was lost somewhere along the line in the Fifties and then again. after the 1975-77 reprieve, with the massive alienation of a whole new generation by crude manipulation and crass political mismanagement between 1984 and 1987. Pakistan was helpless until then. The Indian State gifted it the opening which it has fully exploited.

The successful conclusion of the polls, with all their limitations, will further set back militancy. It would, however, be naive to imagine that insurgency has ended. It is certainly in decline but could revive if the promise of a new beginning is belied. The tide has turned as a result of disenchantment with militancy and the militants, mindless bloodshed, the destruction of Kashmiriyat, the brutal ingress of Afghan and other non-Kashmiri mercenaries, growing disillusionment with Pakistan, the disruption of normal life, sheer fatigue and the yearning for tranquility. Autonomy- azadi within India seems for most a realizable, meaningful and acceptable or alternative to the mirage of a "plebiscite" independence. The lack of autonomy in "Azad Kashmir" and the colonial servitude suffered by the Northern Areas since 1949 are a poor advertisement for secession to Pakistan.

Consideration should be given to declaring an amnesty for all those not charged with heinous offences, tracing of missing persons, lowering the security profile to the extent possible without prejudice to public safety. No time should be lost whether in Srinagar or Delhi in getting down to the business of translating "maximum autonomy" into a review of Centre-State relations and nailing down the subjects which might be repatriated to the State. The mechanism suggested by the previous Government, that is of starting with the 1975 Agreement, or any other could be put in motion. This would need to be preceded by internal discussions with the State as between all the relevant actors, which should not exclude the Hurriyat and other elements which may not have participated in the polls, and at an inter-regional level.

There must follow a settlement across the LOC with the other half of a divided State. Pakistan too has a locus standi, howsoever disputed. The offer of a dialogue with Islamabad on all subjects, including J&K, without preconditions must be reiterated. But Pakistan mus also know that it cannot have dialogue and wage a proxy war at the same time. A soft border with simplified protocols for movement, commerce and cultural exchange among two autonomous halves of all of J&K on either side of the LOC, without derogation from the twin de facto sovereignties that exist, has been mooted and is beginning to find resonance on both sides. With demilitarization of the State within the framework of a treaty of peace. friendship and cooperation, such a regime could in time be overseen by an overarching J&K authority straddling both entities. In some form of innovative "co- confederation" in J&K without prejudice to sovereignty. This could evolve.

No better denouement than the unfolding of such a package as India and Pakistan prepare to celebrate 50 years of independence. In the result, J&K could be the balm that binds and heals the still bleeding wounds of Partition.

(Source: The Indian Express, 26 September, 1996)

Arun Joshi on the Long Road before Farooq Abdullah

The road to become the "Wazir-e-Azam" or the Prime Minister for Farooq Abdullah is tough and difficult. But more serious and difficult for him is to bring back peace to the Kashmir Valley, where nearly 20,000 people have been killed in the past seven years and many more maimed.

His emotional speech (had) little effect outside the swearing-in-ceremony hall. There was a shutdown in Srinagar All Parties Hurriyat Conference's call for general strike was responded to by the people in spite of the fact that most of the APHC leaders are still behind the bars. The impact of the general strike and the widespread fear that still prevails demonstrated that the secessionist feelings were not completely dead.

The new Chief Minister constituted his Ministry in a manner which left many hearts dejected and many areas and classes unrepresented. Even the loyalty to the party remained unrewarded. There is no leader within the party who can split the organization. The opposition others are his allies. But many within the party are is split. Congress has only 7 members, BJP 8, and all not reconciled to work as simple MLAs. The tasks are tough and daunting. The biggest task is to restore normalcy and peace in the Valley. How is he planning to do it? This is just one question. There are other questions as to how is he planning to give confidence to the people, that he is going to deliver. There is a problem of giving jobs to the unemployed youth. There are: surrendered militants waiting to be rehabilitated. Migrants are looking for an honorable return to their homes in the Valley. Nursing their wounds, the victims of militancy too are hoping for their rehabilitation Kashmiris have no patience. Pakistan and secessionists are waiting for him to delay or falter and if he does, there is nothing in between that can prevent the recurrence of disaster in Kashmir once again.

(Source: The Times of India, 14 October, 1996),

Kuldip Nayar on Kashmir Problem

There is wide criticism that the voting has not been independent. To some extent, this is true. Srinagar was pretty bad and Doda was only slightly better. But overall the polling was fair.

With fear stalking the State because of the militant's last-ditch effort, the average of 45% of polling is quite high. The Hurriyat's claim that people would not "cooperate" was exposed because militants had to use force to keep voters indoor. New Delhi arrested the top Hurriyat leaders unnecessarily. It was a ham-handed action. Those who voted were determined to do so because they were sick of militancy and wanted the old days of tourism and peace to return. In any case, the militancy is not even a fraction of what it was three years ago. The Hurriyat could have assured "fair" polling by agreeing to the supervision of elections by Indians of its choice. It rejected the offer and wanted elections under the aegis of the UN.

The Hurriyat should respect the result of elections New Delhi is obliged to talk to the elected members on autonomy. The Government would, however, be acting churlishly if it were to keep out the Hurriyat from the talks.. Various elements, even those who kept themselves out of the elections, should be invited to the talks. And once there is even a modicum of common ground, Pakistan and its part of Kashmir should be associated to settle the problem once and for all.

Should Kashmir on the Indian side decide to go back to the pre-1953 position, there should be no problem. No constitutional impediment at New Delhi is necessary to return to the 1953 position.

A legislation requiring a simple majority can be passed by Parliament to withdraw all the laws extended to the State of J&K since 1952. Once India's sovereignty over the State is accepted, the BJP may not object to the retention of Article 370 that gives the State a special status. When such a status will end is dependent not on the rest of India but on those living in the State because they opted to join the Union, not the other way round.

The Hurriyat leaders are at the crossroads. They can continue to stay in the wilderness but in due course they will get isolated like the Akalis in Punjab.

New Delhi's immediate problem is what to do with the surrendered militants who number around 5,000. They have had the blessings of the Government because they were creating division in the ranks of militants. Essentially, they are a force of looters and killers. They operated without any control. Farooq Abdullah condemned their role during the elections... There should be a provision to absorb these militants into the security forces posted elsewhere in the country.

There is said to be a reaction of satisfaction in America, Britain and elsewhere in the West. Now it is for New Delhi to act quickly to facilitate the return of autonomy that the State enjoyed under its first prime minister (now chief minister) Sheikh Abdullah in 1952 India has probably got another chance. If it messes it up, it would lose a good opportunity. August 1965 the people in Kashmir were with us. 31 years ago, in This time they were not. So much so that they wanted an independent State of their own. Why they became so alienated is the question to which we have to seek an) answer before attempting any solution.

(Source: The Indian Express, 14 October, 1996)

Neerja Chowdhury on the Bridge in Kashmir

But for the absence of the BJP, the swearing-in of the Farooq Abdullah ministry would have been a national event. Dr. Farooq Abdullah had personally invited Atal among the first Farooq called on when he (came to) the Behari Vajpayee soon after the results were out. He was Capital to seek the support of national leaders of all parties in the uphill task that lies ahead of him.

The BJP's plans underwent a change at the last moment. Vajpayee left for Lucknow... The government formation in Srinagar has taken place amongst many which was telecast live, Farooq acted as the bridge 'firsts'. Through has impassioned takeover speech today. between as estranged Kashmir and the rest of the country.

This is the first time that national leaders of all major parties (except the BJP which brought the National Conference (NC) at the hustings attended the 'party' in Srinagar. This also included the Congress, with which Farooq broke off last year and which lost important leaders like Mian Bashir to the NC.

Irony too was in full play, Kesri was not even aware that Farooq had hijacked Moulvi Iftikhar Hussain Ansari, who won on the Congress ticket, into his ministry,

Political reasons apart, which took these leaders to Srinagar today, the players were only too aware this time that playing the game was more important than who won The NC will be participating in the coalition government at the Centre, and this has already been announced by Farooq. It could facilitate the emotional integration of the State with the rest of the country (depending on how Farooq handles the situation) and also ensure that the funds flow in from the Centre which he will surely need if he has to rehabilitate the ravaged State.

Never has the voter turnout been as large as it was in the elections belying all projections and this too is a first. Nor has the NC done well in the past in all the three regions of the State, the Valley, Jammu and Ladakh, as it did this time.

More than the slogan of autonomy, which Farooq played down (for he did not harp on the return to the internal autonomy for the three regions of the State - and the desire for peace and normalcy - which seemed to have 1952 position during the campaign), it was the issue of won him support.

This is also the first time that the bitter feud between the families of Sheikh Abdullah and the former Maharaja Hari Singh... was brought to an end- and this is expected to make an impact on the Hindus and the Kashmiri Shatroo Singh, who had recently joined the NC, was pandits in the State. The son of Karan Singh, Ajat today inducted as a Cabinet minister.

The large number of people present at the She-e- Kashmir International Conference complex, where the ceremony was held, is symbolic of the qualitative change which has taken place in the State.

What had seemed unthinkable even six months ago has come to pass.

(Source: The Indian express, 10 October, 1996)