NATIONAL POLITICS

CPI Leader Satyapal Dang on Formation of Secular Front

A coalition should be based on a programme agreed upon by all partners including those who may give support from outside The coalition Government's troubles arose out of strong inhibitions of some parties about having the Congress inside the Government. Left parties have been particularly opposed to the idea of a coalition with the Congress. The main reason for this inhibition of the Left and regional parties is that in their respective stronghold States, they have to compete with the Congress for power.

If all the parties are motivated by national interests, it should not be difficult to cooperate at the national level even while competing in States. Regional parties are finding it possible to move in this direction. Left should also try to overcome inhibitions on this score.

In the heart of their hearts, the Left parties make distinction between the Congress and the BJP. There are valid reasons for not treating the two as equal evils. The Congress may have made many compromises with communalism of various hues but it is not a communal party.

The Sangh Parivar stands for a Hindu theocratic state. This is a vital difference which must not be overlooked apart from the fact that the BJP is a rightist party.

Despite this, a coalition with the Congress is neither simple nor easy. A good coalition will be the result of affront based on a common minimum programme on the basis of which it must seek the mandate of the people, To have electoral alliances not based on any programme, but only to get seats, is gross opportunism which Communist parties have practised vis-a-vis Janata Dal and some other non-Left parties. It has cost them heavily in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, In view of the sharp differences between the Left and the Congress over economic policies, is a common minimum programme acceptable to both possible? The differences between the JD and the Left are just as big. One may recall the Left criticism of budgets presented by the V.P. Singh Government. If the Left can have a minimum agreement with the Dal, it should be easier with the Congress.

Much rethinking is going on in the non-comprador bourgeoisie as well as in the Congress, and an agreement on economic policies may not therefore prove impossible.

My inhibition on having a coalition with the Congress comes from its culture. The Congress today is no longer the Congress of Gandhi and Nehru. Its culture now is based on corruption and criminalisation. The Janata Dal after ruling for a much shorter period than the Congress, will be worse than the latter in these respects.

Is there no way-out? I think, there is. The minimum programme must contain clauses for making the CBI an autonomous agency answerable only to the Supreme Court and also clauses committing all partners not to try to influence police investigations. Effective lok pals must also be there.

It is necessary to point out that coalition of the above type even with agreed minimum programmes arrived at before seeking a mandate are essentially electoral alliances. They may be indispensable for some time to come.

Communist unity is a precondition for the Left to grow stronger ... Capitalism cannot solve the problems facing humanity. Struggle for a just and genuinely democratic and socialist society has to go on. The fight now must be to ensure that a Left, democratic and secular front comes to power to bring about far-reaching democratic reforms in India's economic and social life, which will pave the way for socialism ... All progressive forces (should) work for such a front.

Congress (I): Pawar's Manifesto (Extracts)

1. Conscious efforts should be made to see that Party’s uncompromising policy approach against Economic Exploitation, Social Exploitation, Communalism, and Casteism is reflected at every level.

2. To redeem our pledge for Secularism after the AICCelections, we must assemble at Ayodhya to denounce once again what had happened on 6.12.1992.

3. To submit a comprehensive proposal to protect the dignity, honour and security of women in India, especially the Dalit, Tribal’s, Backwards and Minorities to overcome the shortcomings of present laws.

Ganesh Swaminath on Presidential Election

The three major political forces - United Front, Bharatiya Janata Party and the Congress - are in no position to get a candidate of their choice elected for the coveted office of the President.

Of the total votes of 10, 98,919 for the presidential elections, the United Front has 4, 01,121 votes, followed by the BJP and its allies who have 3, 07,080 votes. The Congress is the poor third with 2, 79,420 votes. The Bahujan Samaj Party has 26,161 votes while the independents and smaller party representatives account for 57,265 votes.

Indications at present are that the UF would project Vice-President K.R. Narayanan as its presidential candidate, which is likely to be supported by the Congress. In return for supporting the UF's presidential candidate, the Congress would expect the Front to back its candidate for the Vice-President, elections to which are also due immediately after the presidential polls.

BJP sources (do) not ... rule out the option of propping up a rival candidate to the UF-Congress candidate.                                                                     

M.N. Buch on the 'Secular' Character of the BJP

Under the Representation of the People Act, 1951a political party desirous of registration with the Election Commission is required to submit its memorandum of association and rules and regulations, which must contain specific provision that the party will bear true faith and allegiance to the Constitution and to the principles of socialism, secularism and democracy. By law a party which does not believe in secularism cannot be registered as a political party and is debarred from contesting elections. The memorandum of association of BJP does state that it believes in the Constitution and its guiding principles and the party has not only been registered by the Election Commission but has also not been debarred from contesting elections.

Despite the fact that the law and the Constitution recognise BJP to be a political party, the BJP is reviled by the Congress, the Left Front and the United Front as representing the forces of communalism. Therefore, keeping the BJP out of power by fair means or foul has become an article of faith with these parties.

The attempt is to isolate BJP as an extreme right-wing, militantly Hindu organisation, whose very existence is repugnant. The allegation is that the BJP has its foundations in RSS, a rank communal organisation, whose leaders have always fomented anti-Muslim feelings and encouraged riots against the Muslims. It is further alleged that the party has a blatantly communal platform on such issues as the Ram Mandir at Ayodhya,the Kashi Vishwanath Temple at Varanasi and the Krishna Janmabhoomi Temple at Mathura, together with the mosques associated with these temples.

These have become issues central to the politics of the party, which appeal directly to the religious sentiments of the Hindus, exacerbate Hindu-Muslim feelings and generally create at atmosphere of unrest which is politically exploited by the party. The party and its policies are blamed for almost every communal riot in India.

If there is a strict interpretation of communalism, promoting the interests of one's own community should not be taken as evidence of communal bias. Promoting such interests at the cost of anyone else amounts to communal bias.

Presumably, because somewhere hidden in the sub-conscious lies the above definition of communalism, we do not refer to parochial parties as communal. The Indian Union Muslim League pleads the case of Muslims and is not considered communal. The Shiromani Akali Dal speaks out for the Sikhs, but is not considered communal.

The Bahujan Samaj Party tries to protect the interests’ of the Scheduled Castes and is not considered communal.

The Janata Dal speaks only of the rights of the backward classes and is not considered communal. The DMK has a strong anti-Brahmin stance but is not considered communal. The Republican Party speaks for the neo-Buddhists and there are interest groups on behalf of the Christians, Jains, etc. None of these are considered communal.

It is only the BJP, which has coined the term" Hindutva" and tries to remind the people of India that there are Hindus living here who also have interests, which is labelled as communal. Is it a sin to speak out on behalf of Hindus? Or are we still suffering from the hangover of the Sultanate and Mughal rule, or the Christian rule of the British, where Hindus were equated to pagans and considered an inferior race and religion?.

The so-called secular parties have never had any qualms about appealing to religious or caste sentiments in order to win votes. The entire politics of the Janata Dal and the Samajwadi Party is based on casteism. Every party does its own mathematics about which candidate of which caste in which constituency will get it the most votes. Is this not communalism?

The constituents of the United Front and its erstwhile supporter, the Congress, have had no hesitation in ganging up with parochial parties whenever it suits them. The IUML has been a partner of both the UDF and LDF in Kerala at different times. Failing to win Akali support in the Punjab, the Congress has used the Nirankaris. How can the Congress make a claim to secularism when its leaders shamelessly resort to swamis, shankaracharyas, tantriks, soothsayers, astrologers and worse?.

I do not hold with the BJP on its stand about the temples at Ayodhya, Mathura and Varanasi.I believe that the electorate, in not giving a clear mandate to BJP after the demolition of the Babari Masjid, had sent a clear message to the party that Hindu sentiments cannot be exploited for political purpose.

The BJP is not a communal party in the sense that it is being made out by its opponents and certainly no more communal than the other so-called secular parties. The only ground on which it an be faulted is that it has not completely educated its followers that the Muslims, who make India the second largest Islamic country after Indonesia, are as truly Indian as a Maratha from Satara, a Jat from Amritsar, a Kanyakubja from Kannauj or a Yadav from Arrah. It has not fully convinced the Muslimsthat their interests are as safe in its hands as they would be the hands of a Muslim League government. In other words, the party has still to grow out of its image of parochialism.                                               

Shahabuddin's Reply to M.N. Buch, 7 June, 1997

Shri Buch certifies BJP as a secular party on the basis of registration and recognition by the E.C. He should know better. The EC has no authority to look beyond the record - the Memorandum of Association and Rules and Regulations. Obviously the Constitution of the BJP does not limit membership to the Hindus only. For that matter even the IUML's does not, to Muslims only or the Akali Dal's, to the Sikhs only. But any political analyst must go behind the facade to assess the reality. What proportion Muslims, Christians and Sikhs form of the membership of the BJP and that of its state and national committees or its offices? What proportion do they form in the list of BJP's candidates in general election to the Lok Sabha or the Assemblies?. One Sikander Bakht (even Baig has parted company) does not make it a secular party just as ones wallow does not make it a summer!

BJP has indeed its foundation in the RSS. Its leadership does not conceal their mother-child relationship and in any crisis, like any child, the BJP runs to its mother for comfort and counsel and is often advised to subordinate its political strategy and tactics to the ideological mission of the RSS which is nothing short of Hinduisation of the Indian Polity and Culture. RSS may not have "encouraged" riots against Muslim but it straining and propaganda have created the "Hindu mindset” which sees India, Indian people, Indian history and Indian culture as synonymous with "Hinduism" and which, therefore, wants to establish a Hindu state in India which need not imply a theocracy but a stat in which the Hindus are the dominant group and the non-Hindus have secondary status. The writings of the RSS leaders, past and present, are quite clear in this regard. And I am not aware of the BJP or any BJP leader disowning the tutelage of the RSS, far less its ideology and policies, or even the writings of the Gurus.

This is why the Babari Masjid, the Shahi Idgah and the Gyan Vapi Masjid questions ar not religious but political questions - their demolition and substitution by Hindu structures would be symbolic of political assertion over the non-Hindu Indians.

Communalism indeed covers all inter-community relation and even inter-caste and inter-sub-caste relations but given history, communalism or secularism is largely concerned with defining Hindu-Muslim relations and the status of Muslims in a Hindu majority state. That is why BJP matters and not the IUML, SAD, BSP, SP, JD, DMF or RP, though each of them nurses and speaks for a deprived social constituency. BJP also matters because views of other parties as inter-group relations can be contained within the secular order, BJP's views on religious minorities, especially those belonging to "extra-territorial religions" cannot be. BJP is thus forced to denounce the secular order as "pseudo-secular" or as” appeasement of the Muslims" or even as "injustice to the Hindus"! The secular orders, or the parties believing in secularism, are not anti-Hindu nor are they for special status for religious minorities but only for the recognition and protection of the constitutional, human and group, rights of the religious minorities and for equidistance and neutrality of thee State in conflict situation. Secularism is positive, not negative.

BJP's theoretical critique of secularism cannot be justified, as Mr. Buch has tried to do, by references to other parties departures in practice because politics, in India’s context, demands occasional compromises and acceptance of "flaws" which hit the eyes of the observers.

Indeed I am relieved to note that Mr. Buch does not hold with BJP's stand on the "temples" in Ayodhya, Mathura and Varanasi. Yet his very words indicate a pro-BJP mindset. There was no "Ram Mandir" in Ayodhya from 1528 to 1992 on the disputed site. The dispute in Varanasi and Mathura is not on temples but on standing Masjids. If RSS and BJP are not to be condemned on their role on these questions, then what else shall they be judged by? They have become the litmus test not only of secularism but of democracy, based on justice and equality and of the rule of law and of the dignity of the Judiciary, the Executive and the Legislature.

On the track-record of the BJP government, Mr. Buch is only repeating the current propaganda line of the BJP. Their relative control on communal violence is not surprising and falls into its logical place but the administration has been so communalised that the Muslims (and Christians and the tribal’s) feel alienated, suffocated, humiliated and threatened at every step Education and the mass media have been used to propagate their gospel of Hindutva and the RSS philosophy in order to indoctrinate the young.

Even the BJP realises that with its narrow-vision of our great country, with its longing for the past, with its alliance with Hindu militancy, with its rejection of the composite character of our culture, with its rejection of our religious, linguistic and racial diversity, with its mistaken equation between unity and uniformity or between majoritarian power and stability, it cannot go any further. Today, it is engaged in manufacturing a new Persona - by changing its "Chehra, Chal and Charitra".But can a new mask change the mind and the soul? Can a leopard change his spots?.                                                           

Rakesh Sinha on Sangh Parivar's Moves to win over Dalits

The coming together of those important political forces with different social bases is expected to have a far-reaching impact. At present, the BJP well understands the value of symbolic relationships and the concomitant need for political extremity and durably of alignments. This has been demonstrated by its ties with the Akalis, the Samata Party and the Haryana Vikas Manch.

The social base of the BSP comprises basically marginalised groups like Bhangis, Doms, Dhangars, Chamars, Balmikis, Pasis, Ramdasis, etc. who were oncethe target groups of Ambdkar's Republican Party. However, Ambedkar remained the hero of the Mahars only during his lifetime although he had listed 429 social groups who were treated as "untouchables". Unlike Ambedkar, Kanshi Ram emphasises political consolidation of these groups as an aggressive political unit. He believes that political up gradation would also bring socio-economic transformation in its wake. And he has been successful in his approach to a great extent.

The RSS was formed in 1925 in Maharashtra in the midst of emerging socio-cultural dichotomies ... The first founding principle of the Sangh Parivar was repudiating caste identity and to prepare the Sangh minded Hindus to act as a nucleus to bring about socio-cultural changes the Sangh parivar has been successful in its operation among the tribal’s. There are almost four thousand service projects run in the tribal belt by the RSS through its operating wing, the Vanvasi Kalyan Kendra.

As far the Dalits are concerned, the RSS has been virtually implementing Ambedkar's agenda. All religious heads were brought on one platform in 1964 when the Vishwa Hindu Parishad was formed and all of them agreed to fight the evil of un touch ability. In 1989 the Sangh formed another unit 'Seva Bharti' to bring all-round changes amongst the Dalits and slum dwellers. Moreover, the RSS has been training and appointing Dalits as priests in areas dominated by the orthodox elements. Unfortunately, similar social dynamism has not been demonstrated by other operating wings of the Sangh parivar like the ABVP, and above all, the BJP in the irrespective fields. Despite the support of the RSS, the BJPas a political party-could not do much beyond the limits of 'club functions'. Its own Harijan leaders are turned into Liliputs while the Kanshi Rams are used as 'show boys'. The party has to utilise the ground prepared by the RSS to make inroads amongst these social groups by demonstrating dynamism. - Only then can it expand its social base and accommodate the Dalits in its rank and file.                                                                   

Ram Gopal on BJP and Muslim Factor

A close scrutiny reveals that the present anti-Muslim "image" of the BJP has been diligently carved out by the mass media, including the silver screen, which has been largely in the hands of the anti-Hindu Marxist ideologues and the pacifist Congressites. Though the Marxists have never held power at the Centre, they have since the days of Jawaharlal Nehru had the greatest influence in framing the policies of the Indian government and the Congress party. In their ideological war against Hindus and Hinduism, they are ready to collaborate with anybody or everybody. That is why the Communists and the Congress have been lining up with the Muslim League and other Muslim outfits whenever an opportunity comes up. The Muslim masses form a distinct class. Traditionally, they have been captives of their mosque-based mullahs and moulvis. By and large, they go by word of mouth ... The Hindu wave after the Shah Bano case of 1985 has brought the Marxists and the Congress closer to Islamic fundamentalists and the casteist forces. Through its rath yatras, the BJP has made an appreciable impact on the caste factor, but the Muslims have remained almost unaffected. So long as the Muslims do not get out of the clutches of their mullahs and moulvis, the BJP will have to manage without, or even in spite of them ... Today's Muslim leadership can never be expected to support a party which does not grant Muslims a superior political status and an upper hand in their Shariat law; all the more so because the Congress and the (parties) of the National Front, individually and collectively, are providing all moral and material support to the carriers of Islamic fundamentalism and their Shariat law through various Government and non-Government channels.                                                               

Another Yatra

Seven years ago after his Ram rath swept the BJP to unscaled heights; Mr. Lal Krishna Advani has set off again. Thematically, too, this yatra is a departure from the past, the party taking a break from marketing religion to advocating patriotism Mr. Advani's goal seems equally in tune with the changing times-to win friends and influence voters south of the Vindhyas. His timid is right and his slogan looks right too Even on the imagefront,the BJP is better off today than it was at the time of the last elections, most of its leaders having got off thehook in the hawala cases. The party now promises freedom from bhook, bhay aur bharashtacharIt is not clear if a rath yatra by itself can dispel previously formed notions about the party's anti-minority orientation. This is a crucial factor because secularism is more firmly entranced in the South than in the Hindi belt.                                          

Lajpat Rai on BJP and the RSS

The Indian capitalist class also began to patronise the BJP as an alternative to the Congress, and this has weakened the grip of the RSS over it. The BJP took money from big business houses and decided to work for them instead of for the traders and small business community that formed the core of its strength.

This was admitted by L.K. Advani in his speech (quoted in the Indian Express) before the Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) in 1993. He said: "Let me confess that even my party needs large sums to contest elections. And most contributions come in the shape of black money. If the BJP decides to accept only white money, I would be the happiest person, but it is not possible without the cooperation of the industry".

It is with this black money that the BJP was able to contest over 600 parliamentary seats in the last elections. Even at places where changes of winning were almost zero. There is no shortage of funds for the BJP. Can it now break its alliance with the capitalist class and follow the dictates of the RSS?

Advani has tried to assert the BJP's independence from the RSS, saying that unlike the RSS, the BJP is apolitical party which seeks to come to government. In an interview to a local daily some months ago Advani also said: "No one (read RSS) can dictate to us"

The RSS leadership finds itself helpless, unable to discipline the BJP. After having tasted the fruits of power and corruption, the BJP's political activists refuse to accept the "high-handedness" of ... the RSS.

Bhaskar Roy on BJP-VHP Identity

The BJP national executive and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad's "dharam sansad" started the same day, for the same duration and more or less with the same agenda.

The common strand linking the two platforms is the search for an effective strategy to capture the future – a practical, down-to-earth action plan to seize power in as nap poll that the Sangh Parivar believes is due sometime next year.

The two faces of the Parivar seem to be speaking the language of aggression and even revenge. Despite seeming resentment and acrimony, the two fronts of the RSS family are looking for issues to launch new campaigns and seize the political initiative before the next general election. While the BJP is getting ready for a new offensive against the United Front parties and the Congress, the VHP is set to blaze the temple trail again by starting a new agitation to "liberate" the two disputed shrines in Mathura and Varanasi.

"This conference urges the Government of India to withdraw the Religious Places Act which challenges the Hindu’s birthright to Shri Krishna's birthplace in Mathura and Kashi Vishwanath temple in Varanasi", the resolution adopted at the dharam sansad (religious parliament) on 16 November.

According to Sangh sources, the two campaigns - the BJP's political propaganda against its adversaries and the VHP's temple stir - are intended to complement each other.                                                                                     

Rakesh Sinha on BJP and RSS

The concern within the RSS for the BJP' organisational problems is not surprising since the steps taken by the latter to grapple with factional politics and discipline are inadequate considering the enormity of the problem. Additionally, the BJP's existence as apolitical party would be meaningless unless it genuinely accepts and works within the ideological framework and organisational culture of the RSS. Both the BJP and its predecessor, the Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS), were formed after serious deliberations inside the RSS with a specific purpose so the BJP has to be amenable to the advice of the parent body.

The BJP's phenomenal growth is a direct outcome of the acceptance of the cultural agenda of the RSS by a large section of the Hindu population. This was evident during Advani's rath yatra and in course of the Ram Janmabhoomi movement. However, the party committed two mistakes. One was to enrol everybody and every fund donor and the second was to give the upper hand to the governing elites (in the BJP-ruled states) over the organisation. While turning the party from being cadre-based into a mass-based one,. The party did not evolve any mechanism to control the governing elites.

The crisis (in BJP) forced the RSS leadership to go once again into detailed deliberations with the BJP leadership in order to undo the damage and assert the RSS culture. The RSS intervention in politics is not a recent phenomenon. In its worldview, culture is a broader framework of civil society, comprising both economics and politics. Politics must be, according to the RSS philosophy, run on the basis of cultural traditions and should be value-based. It believes that cultural values should play a substantial role in the success of any ideology. Thus, in the organisational framework the"karya paddhati" (modus operandi) and "samskar"(inherited and evolved characteristics) are important.

There are two ways of its intervention – functional and selective. While the former is often done, the latter is occasional. Through functional intervention the RSS tries to correct distortions in the organisational culture and any dilution of the ideology.

As a part of its policy the (RSS) kept the organisation aloof from the Hindu Mahasabha ... However, it continued to support selective programmes of the Mahasabha. Similarly, the RSS supported the Congress and Gandhi a programmes ever since the Congress pledged for complete independence in December, 1929.

Anirudh Deshpande on the Prospects of Gujral Government

Facts related to Mr. Gujral's ascent will be remembered long after he retires; and these facts narrate the sad story of the custodians of contemporary Indian secularism ... Either the UF had no leader capable of commanding mass support across castes and classes, or its existing caste-based leadership could not be trusted with high office. Either factor does not augur well for the future of centrist politics in India because if popular leaders cannot become prime ministers in a secular coalition, something is seriously wrong with the Centre-Left anti-communal platform.

This is so because ultimately the battle against communalism and fascism is a popular one. But if issues cannot be forced despite the intention of retaining power, unfortunate compromises must be made ... Mr. Gujral is the most desirable of the lot at present but we cannot ignore the fact that his zenith is founded on the machinations of an undesirable company. The only way Mr. Gujral can lead us into the next century is by developing an independent constituency capable of sustaining his premiership in the vicissitudes of future ...From the viewpoint of Indian secularism, the question of keeping the BJP and Co. out of power and equating this with the triumph of secularism remains unanswered. The possibility of a BJP-led coalition capturing the Centre after the next Lok Sabha election cannot be ruled out.

Why a committed secularist might ask for instance, don't the Indian social democrats stop playing games with the bourgeois parties and do something at the base to annihilate the communal threat? Why are the Left parties wasting time in keeping the coalition afloat? Why don’t they withdraw from the scene and allow the Congress to join the UF so that it becomes a totally Centrist outfit?.

This is not because the Leftists do not consider the Congress secular but simply because the Congress is their main enemy in West Bengal and Kerala. On the other hand, if significant sections in the CPI(M) feel that the Congress is non-secular then why do they continue to accept its support to the UF Like the BJP-BSP alliance this too amounts to opportunism because if the UF collapses, the Left will be marginalised at the Centre. If the Congress joins the coalition the Centre-Left UF will become a purely centrist affair and, in future, if a Right-wing coalition led by the BJP comes to power in New Delhi the Left will have no option but to align itself with the Centrists once again against the BJP & Co. Hence, either with the containment of the Congress or the BJP, the Leftist strategy of overcoming communalism will run-around in circles

If the Congress decides to join the Government for several reasons, the UF will start shaking and Mr. Gujral might become a casualty of history sooner than necessary. Pushed to the wall once again, the Congress may not give the UF another chance from outside in future. The way to expose and effectively counter (BJP) lies neither in prostrating the coalition before the Congress nor conducting a supposedly principled marriage of convenience between the Centre and the Left Front.                                                                    

JD: Laloo Seeks Blessing to get

Top Job on April, 1997 Laloo Prasad Yadav flew to Gopalganj, his hometown, and offered prayers at the famous Table shrine of goddess Kali apparently to propitiate and set his star right to become successful in his race of the UF leadership and country’s premiership. The Chief Minister flew back to Patna and went to the Garadaninagh Thakurbari, where pujas were being performed. The Chief Minister, last evening also offered puja at the Shitla Mata Temple at Agankuan where sacrifices were also offered.

JD: Seventh Poll Defeat in Karnataka

The warning bells have sounded for the ruling Janata Dal in Karnataka, which registered its seventh defeat in Assembly bye-elections at Molakalmuru.

The usual reaction to a by-election defeat from the ruling party has been that these elections are based on localised issues and the results are largely against the ruling party.

But Molakalmuru is not a lone development. It is the culmination of a series of upsets for the Dal. Party meaner also concerned that even the four victories as 11assembly by-elections were a result of extraneous factors, and not because of the popularity of the party.

They are also restive because four of the by election defeats Molakalmuru, Ramanagaram, Chikkanayakanahalli and K.R. Pet - are in Old Mysore the stronghold of former Prime Minister H.D. Deve Gowda. There is another warning note: Molakalmuru is dominated by the backward classes, which the party considers its vote-banks.

Many in the Congress, which won at Molakalmuru, tend to interpret the result as a wave in favour of the party. Others point out that the results have been moreanti-Dal than pro-Congress. But there is no doubt that the Congress can cash in on the victories.