There has always existed a strong case for reservation for women as otherwise their access to power would remain closed ...

These groups are characterised by a great deal of internal heterogeneity in terms of status, economic and political standing. A blanket reservation for them would consolidate the position of the privileged sections within them and leave the more disadvantaged sections high and dry. Their claim has been rejected because they may not enjoy adequate representation in the power structure for one reason or another, but as a collectivity, shape and determine political outcomes in substantial ways. This is at least the ground on which the claims of Muslims to be granted reservation has been rightly rejected so far.

One of the positive consequences of the reservation policy over the past 50 years has been a slow democratisation of Indian society. Groups that had traditionally not enjoyed access to political power nor would have found themselves represented in the power structure have found representation in legislative and administrative bodies. That this representation is today being cornered by a limited elite from the communities enjoying the benefit of reservation should not detract from the more general point that today there are members of social communities in the power structure who would traditionally not have been there at all. The exploitation of the fruits of reservation by a limited elite within these communities is a feature that would have to be corrected at some point by suitable strategies either adopted by. The state on the basis of a broad social consensus or would be demanded by the deprived sections within those communities ...

However the reservation system ... has not had any effect so far on the internal power structures within communities ... One must obvious expression ... is the continued hold of patriarchy and the systematic exclusion of women from any role in decision-making processes within the communities ...

The Women's Quota Bill would have the potential to alter the power structure within the different social communities, provided the Bill ensures the representation of women from all social and cultural communities though making sure that, on a certain number of seats, only women from those communities will be eligible for election ..

The case of the religious or social communities should not be confused with the women of those communities for reservation. Muslims, Sikhs, Christians, Parsis or Jains may not be accorded reservation (though be said for their women ... Unless their representation in the legislatures is statutorily assured, they are unlikely to enjoy access to decision-making powers within the communities ..

Given the peculiar arithmetic of Vidhan Sabha and Lok Sabha constituencies, the prospects of women of most religious and cultural communities to get elected would remain thin. Only a few Christian women in Kerala and Sikh women in Punjab can expect to enjoy this prospect, that too in a limited number of constituencies.

Therefore, unless the women of the different cultural communities are assured representation, the revolutionising thrust of the Women's Quota Bill shall not be realised. The Bill should be used as an instrument for greater democratisation of society. (Source: The Pioneer, 21 July, 1998)

Shahabuddin's Letter to The Pioneer, 21 July, 1998

Prof. Imtiaz Ahmad in his article "Women's Bill and Democratisation" (21 July, 1998) argues for a quota for Muslim women in legislature and against reservation for Muslims in general. In any case the latter is not on the national agenda. It was when the draft Constitution, under discussion in the Constituent Assembly (1946-49) included a provision to that effect. I do not understand his, argument. Are Muslim Indians who are recognised as a collectivity, to be denied due representation in the legislature, for all times to come, because they "shape and determine political outcomes in substantial ways". Many other collectivities based on caste, religion, language etc. also do. Why should the Muslim Indians be alone be targetted?

Assuming that the Constituent Assembly had not changed the draft, the Muslim Indians would be enjoying reservation in legislature, just like the SC and the ST albeit on the basis of joint electorate. Today just like the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, they would have been required to part with 1/3 to accommodate Muslim women. They would have willingly agreed. And morally they would be bound to.

Prof. Imtiaz Ahmad foresees the rising demand for diverse collectivities grouped under artificial constructs like the SC, the ST and the OBCs. So do I. The same phenomenon would also occur with the Muslims and other minorities. Except the micro sub-groups, all sub- groups will demand quotas with the quota. And why not? Who can deny the logic of political awakening in a free and democratic society?