HINDU CHAUVINISM
Kuldeep Kumar on the Burning of Hussain's Paintings
The destruction of India's best-known contemporary painter Maqbool Fida Hussain's paintings in Ahmedabad by a bunch of Bajrang Dal fanatics cannot be viewed in isolation. It has in fact come as a sequel to the demolition of the Babari Masjid in Ayodhya nearly four years ago.
The message of these two events is loud and clear: Whatever is unpalatable to the Hindutva brigade will not be allowed to exist. In the case of the Babari Masjid, the RSS and its affiliates had arrogated to themselves the right to speak for the Hindu community. And in their capacity of being the sole spokesmen, they also usurped for themselves the right to decide religious issues.
Now, the RSS clan has expanded its domain and started to adjudicate matters concerning art and artistic intention. Those who had taken shelter behind the comfortable thought that the shameful incident of December 6, 1992 was merely an aberration are suddenly realising to their horror that it was not so.
Those who cause destruction can hardly be expected to respect creativity. Therefore, it is not at all surprising that believes of aggressive Hindutva have struck again to obliterate what they thought constituted a slur on the Hindu religion. It will be useful to recall that the Babari Masjid too was viewed by the RSS clan as a symbol of Insult to the Hindus.
Bajrang Dal was formed in the early '80s as a response to the mushrooming militant Hindu organisations which were sprouting as a reaction to Sikh terrorism in Punjab. RSS leadership decided to float its own organisation which would eventually subsume all others. The organisation, which came to be known as Bajrang Dal,was by its very nature militant since inception. Moreover, unlike other RSS affiliates, it had an amorphous character and a very loose, ill-defined and indeterminate, organisational structure.
It did not have representative bodies and worked under the leadership of one convenor in a particular locality. In short, it was an army of undisciplined, untrained yet determined fighters. The Bajrang Dal emerged as not an affiliate of the RSS but that of the VHP.
It would be wrong to assume that it functioned independent of the Sangh clan. The very fact that its all-India chief Vinay Katiyar could become a BJP MP is sufficient proof of its organisational links with the mother organisation. The Bajrang Dal members virtually acted as the saffron shirts of the RSS-led VHP.
The BJP leaders have a remarkable capacity of washing their hands off an incident which may affect their assiduously cultivated image of being very reasonable, persuasive individuals committed to the Hindu cause. In the presence of the entire BJP top brass, a mob of fanatics, openly incited by leaders such as Uma Bharti, pulled downthe Babari Masjid but the BJP leaders pleaded innocence.
Some of them, for example, Atal Bihari expressed shock and horror in the beginning. But the middle and lower rung leaders never tried to hide their glee. Similarly BJP president L.K. Advani has condemned the burning down of Husain's paintings while his senior colleague K.R.Malkani has been able to detect shades of Mahmood Ghaznavi in the ageing artist because of his painting of Saraswati, the goddess of creativity
There is no way to prove that the gang (acted) on the express orders of the VHP or any other member of the RSS clan. However, there is no denying the fact that a climate of intolerance and hatred for the Muslims did act as the inspiration for this heinous act of vandalism. The RSS clan has been busy creating such a climate for many decades.
When politics is allowed to pronounce judgment on history, art or literature, this is what happens. Years ago, the RSS and its affiliates like the BJP had created a big furore over. Ambedkar's book "Riddles of Ram", claiming that the book was an insult to the deity worshipped by millions of Hindus. In the recent past, Shiv Sena raised a hue and cry over certain remarks made by journalist-writer Khushwant Singh about Shivaji. The spirit of intolerance is by no means confined to the Hindutva brigade.
That an artist of Hussain’s stature and accomplishments felt compelled to apologise in the face of daily demonstrations in front of his Bombay residence and destruction of his canvases is a testimony to the fact that space for a democratic discourse is shrinking very fast.
Letter of Rajinder Kumar Gupta in Indian Express, 6 November, 1996
The editorial "Holy terrorists in Indian Express, October 12, 1996 describes the Bajrang Dal as an outcaste of civilised society. This is itself intellectual intolerance breeding another type of fanaticism which has no respect for other people's sentiments
Do only those persons, who have no sentiments, scruples, faith or commitment for anything and believe only in eating, drinking and making merry, belong to a civilised society? Perhaps, in the age of rampant consumerism and scams, only such people can be called civilised because it is said that in the valley of fools it is folly to be wise.
A healthy respect for the sentiments of others, particularly in the matter of religion, is a precondition of a civilised society. Had the autonomy of an artist been exercised with an Islamic figure, Indian Express and the so-called progressive intellectuals would have been the first to condemn the act. Your use of abusive language – like” loony fringe, silly outcaste" etc. - against an organisation is intellectual terrorism at its worst.
RSS: ABISY - Project: Rewriting History of India
Speaking at the inaugural session of the three-day convention at Shardha Vihar Campus, Bhopal, the founder member of the ABISY, Shri Moropant Pingle emphasised that history must be based on proper facts and figures and evidence devoid of any prejudice. He said that the Indian history which the people had been reading was not authentic. ABISY is to compile true and authentic history of India. The concept of the foundation of India, presented by the historian: was wrong and misleading and the "Aryans" were the aboriginal people rather than invaders like Mohammed Ghauri, Mohd. bin Quasim and others, as was propagated by the western historians ..
The Chief Guest. Shri Radha RamanDas, V.C., Gwalior University said that. The concept of Aryavrata, propagated by the western authors themselves was an indication that Aryans were the indigenous people. K.D.S. Mandawa in his Presidential address said that nothing had been written regarding religious places of the Aryans as that of the Christians and the Muslims in the books of history. He termed it as a conspiracy against the people of India for depriving them of their rich, ancient and vast cultural heritage. National President of the ABISY, Thakur Ram Singh, Vice-President Dr. Thakur Prasad Verma, veteran historian Laxman Sridheer Vakadkar were also present.
About 125 research papers on a variety of subjects were presented during the Convention. Dr. Mohan Gupta in his research paper on "Bharatiya Kalgadana" tried to find out the exact date of the Mahabharata, which, according to him, was October 17, 1952 BC. He said that the Indian system of calculating the period was more developed and farther ahead than any of the prevailing systems of calculation elsewhere.
Shri P.V. Hole in his paper refuted the idea that there was an "ice age" in India before 12,000 BC, and added that while the northern hemisphere was covered with ice. The presence of "Ostrich" in India had proved that India was not covered with ice. He gave references of the Rig Veda to "DhadhiKarvan". Shri Devi Singh Mandawa in his paper touched a sensitive issue of "Failure of Khilafat Rule in India". He stressed that the powerful Khalifas were not able to conquer India because of strong resistance of Prathiharas, and rulers of Malwa and because of the strong and united resistance India was saved for 275 years from the Muslim rule.
Shri Babu Rao Vakandan, a veteran historian, said that the prevailing belief that Qutub Minar was built by Qutubuddin Aibek or Iltutmish was totally wrong and said that Varahmir, the courtier of Chandra Gupta-II, had constructed two minars, one Qutub Minar and another its replica in Afghanistan.
Cookie Maini on Rephrasing History, Renaming Places
Sometime ago, newspapers carried a report that Victoria Terminus, a landmark in the economic and historical evolution of Bombay (sorry Mumbai!) has been rechristened as Chhatrapati Shivaji terminus. How incongruous and anachronistic that a Gothic building symbolising a different era in history is being named after a national hero who had no connection with it.
Why should we be so squeamish about the fact, that India was a British colony? There is hardly any nook or corner of the world which has not remained a colony at some stage or the other as a part of the political evolutionary process of world's history.
The process of rechristening began when our chauvinistic compatriots wanted to change the names of streets for instance, Curzon Road to Kasturba GandhiMarg. More recently Connaught Place has become Indira Gandhi Chowk and Rajiv Gandhi Chowk amidst tremendous controversy. The next step was to pull down statues of Queen Victoria, King George and various other governors general. Not to mention the colonial buildings being razed to the ground because of sheer neglect. Recently, in Delhi there was a tremendous uproar about pulling down the canopy on Rajpath (formerly kingsway) which had covered King George's statue ... The structure escaped brutal extinction.
Lobbyists of the anti-British stance, who advocate the replacing of Raj relics and names by their own, must bear in mind that the Archaeological Survey of India was set up by Lord Curzon. If it had not been for him, many impressive Mughal structures, Hindu temples, manuscripts, coin collections would not have survived for posterity to revel in. Grandiose like Victoria Memorial in Calcutta, repositories in museums as in Bombay, all merit preservation and maintenance. With the natural transitional situations, the process of evolution should emerge as part of the historical chain of events but not deliberate efforts at extermination.
As far as historical events, names and monuments are concerned, they must be viewed dispassionately and not superficially white-washed by the brushes of chauvinistic. zealots.
RSS Chief on Rewriting History
Today's textbooks have only a few pages on the great past of the country while the 500-year history of Muslim invaders and the 200-yearhistory of the British is dealt with. In great detail.
Changing Names
We as a nation love name-dropping. But lately, it appears to have grown into an obsession. So, after Baroda was dropped in favour of Vadodara and Trivandrum for Thiruvananthapuram, Bombay cast away for Mumbai and Madras for Chennai (and) Patna to turn into Pataliputra and Bihar into Vihara, can Delhi be far behind? The meta log in Delhi are apparently determined to capitalise on the name fetish and hang up a new name-board for the Capital. The change, though, will not be from the anglicised Delhi to medieval Delhi. Delhi is simply to become Dilli. The preferred version remains unexplained except for the fact that the name rhymes with billi and that the pro-changers are zealous about bringing about a supposed majoritarian view and identity.
There is nothing wrong in chopping and changing, hewing and hawing, and bringing back some of the lilt and verve of the past - as in the case of Vadodara or Thiruvananthapuram, or the proposed Pataliputra. But when the old and the familiar gives way to something totally alien, it either reeks of plain sycophancy – Rajiv Chowk for good old Connaught Place, C.P. for any
Delhiwalla - or smacks of incongruity. Imagine associating Chhatrapati Shivaji with a railway terminus, as though the revered king rode astride a steam-belching loco as he went about his business of founding the Maratha empire.
In totalitarian regimes, simple rules govern naming and name-dropping: everything is named after the Supreme Leader of the day. With his passing away, much that is associated with him is also passed over and out. The new Chinese fatwa in this regard is notable. Public places are not be given names that are undignified, foreign or vulgar, or those that are in poor taste, obscure or insulting to national dignity and pride. The too-ancient, strange or inaccurate are also out. And so, "Centre of Counts" and’ Imperial Mansion" must be rubbed off.
Shahabuddin's Letter to Organiser, 3 Dec., 1996
In his review of A.K. Ray's Religion and the Secular Man, Shri M.V. Kamath (The Organiser, 1 December, 1996)has built up the structure of "majorityism" on the basis of his self-serving ignorance of the meaning of "Secularism’ in the Indian context. This meaning is now universally
applicable to all multi-religious states: that the State recognises religion as a social institution; it also recognises all the religions practised by its people, respects them all, maintains equidistance towards them, does not give anyone a "most forward religion" treatment and maintains neutrality in resolution and adjudication of inter-religious disputes and finally, democracy being a game of numbers provides legal protection to a minority group if the majority group violates or makes any attempt to violate its rights as a group by using its numerical preponderance in the society, economy or polity including administration.
The question is not whether a Hindu theocratic state is theoretically possible or not. The question is and has been whether the religious minorities feel secure in life and property, honour and dignity and equal in enjoying the benefits of governance and development. In adopting various declarations, the international community has conceded the possibility of religious minorities being deprived of their rights, wholly or partially, by the religious majority, in a fit of passion, arising out of prejudice distrust, hatred and hostility. Ray, indeed, in his book make out a case, and Kamath endorses it, as to why the Hindu majority should nurse such feelings and sentiments towards the Muslim minority. Mode of protection will vary from State to State but it must ensure participation and power-sharing. In the Indian context, faced with injustice for centuries, all oppressed sections of the Indian society are seeking alleviation, through reservation. Why shouldn't the religious minorities? Secularism is indeed associated with religion and not caste but secularism is nothing but Social Justice in religious context.
Annie Besant on India and Hinduism
Many are the religions and many the races which are flourishing in India, but none of them stretches back into the far dawn of her past, nor is necessary for her endurance as a nation. Every one might pass away as they came, and India would still remain. But let Hinduism vanish, and what is she? A "geographical expression" of the past, a dim memory of a perished glory.
Her history, her literature, her art, her monuments, all have Hinduism written across them. India lived before their coming; India could live after their passing. But let Hinduism go, Hinduism that was India's cradle, and in that passing would be India's grave. Then would India with India's religion be-but a memory. India would remain then as a subject for the antiquarian, the archaeologist, a corpse for dissection, but no longer an object of patriotism, no longer a Nation.
Saradindu Mukherji on Flow of Hindu Refugees from Pakistan/Bangladesh to India -A Hindu View
As a nation, we have devised a unique way to deal with problems, and that is accomplished by either ignoring it or pushing it under the carpet. At the same time, there is an obsessive involvement with non-issues.
One such burning problem is the phenomenon of mass involuntary and forced migration. No country in the world has been host to so many refugees as a "shrinking and shrunken" India has been since the Partition in 1947. According to the estimate of the Government of India, 7.30million people entered India between 1947-51 from the two wings of Pakistan. Except a few thousand Hindu families in Sind, almost the entire Hindu, and the Sikh population were forced to leave their homes. A total of 6.73 million acres of land were abandoned in Pakistan by the Hindus and Sikhs who left for India.
In East Pakistan, the process of ethnic cleansing of the minorities was slow and systematic. Between 1947-51, the total number of people moving into India was estimated at2.55 million - entirely Hindus and the cream of the Bengali-Hindu Bhadralok society.
While West Pakistan was cleansed of its kafirs except for a microscopic minority - being reduced from 23% (in1947) to 3% at present, the non-Muslim communities’ of East Pakistan/Bangladesh reduced from 29% to 12% of the population. One can easily guess the number involved in the massive ouster. It is estimated that another 2.5 million Hindus fled the eastern wing of Pakistan during 1951-61. It was during the period 1965-67. that the mass emigration ceased for a time.
One finds that 90% of the total who fled to East Pakistan in course of the liberation war of Bangladesh were Hindus. Indira Gandhi's Government and the media did its best to suppress this fact. A fresh bout of exodus from Bangladesh to India occurred after the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
The steady exodus of the Hindus from Bangladesh is generally pushed under the carpet, by the Government in New Delhi or Calcutta and other important sections of the society. The extent of the missing Hindu population is estimated around 1.22 million during the period1974-81 and about 1.73 million during the last inter-censal period of1981-91. It is a fact of recent history, that Hindus and the Buddhists are the worst victims of ethnic cleansing and are more likely to be refugees than other group of people. In the Indian sub-continent, wherever the kafirs become a minority, they are bound to become refugees, a fate which is in store for the Hindus in West Bengal, the north-eastern states and possibly Ladakh and Jammu.
Shahabuddin's Letter to Hindustan Times, 13 July, 1996
Shri Saradindu Mukherji's article "The unwritten story of Partition" is a one-sided, partisan and biased version of the great human tragedy that preceded and followed the partition of our country.
It would only be fair to recall that migration was a two-way traffic of equal dimension and terrible atrocities were committed on both sides of the partition line. "Ethnic cleansing" did place and just as the Hindu and Sikh population was forced out of West Pakistan, the Muslim population was forced out from the then East Punjab and Delhi, parts of Rajasthan as well as western Uttar Pradesh. To any objective historian, no community comes out of the carnage with a clean hand.
Mr. Mukherji has also related the relative "efficiency” of ethnic cleansing to civilisation aspects. He not only displays his antipathy and prejudice in ascribing inhuman and brutal atrocities to religious commands or ethos but does a great disservice to the historical process of evolution of composite culture which, despite rude interruptions has gone on in our Sub-continent for thousands of years.
Shahabuddin's Letter to Press Council of India, 14 August, 1996
I beg to submit a photocopy of the above mentioned article for appropriate action by the Council. A copy of my letter to the Editor, 13 July, 1996 is enclosed. This has not been published.
The article in question violates the Code of Conduct by presenting and analysing the tragedy of Partition in a manner which not only distorts the truth but vilify Islam as a religion to generate feelings of hatred and revenge against Muslim Indians and thus to aggravate existing communal tensions in our sensational society.
I would request the Council to take due notice and appropriate action in the matter.
Press Council of India's Reply, 4 November, 1996
It has been treated as closed for lack of sufficient grounds
If they think they are not Indians, I will open away for them to go to that (Pakistan) country.
- Farooq Abdullah, Chief Minister of J&K
I am also a migrant and I do not think that I can go back to my home (in Kashmir) now.
- Magbool Dhar,Union Minister of State for Home
