Bal Thackeray’s Political Views, BJP Election Strategy, and Secular Alliances in India’s 1996 Politics


 

NATIONAL POLITICS

Thackeray Thinks Too Much Editorial, The Hindustan Times

 

 

 

Mr. Bal Thackeray has gone vocal again, coming up with a bouquet of ideas and expressing them with characteristic virulence. He seems to want to usurp the extreme right-wing Hindu platform. He feels that Kashi and Mathura should be "liberated" as soon as a BJP government can be formed at the Centre. On the other hand, he is not sure whether the BJP can form such a government at all, and "predicts", in the alternative, that there will be a hung Parliament followed by civil strife, violence and a military takeover. If he is serious he ought to be orientating the party programme towards coping with such an eventuality, instead of building temples in Spain. Whether his prediction comes true is less to the point than the certainly that in his scenario, he will be among the early ones to be kicked to the kerb. Unable to throw Pakistan out of POK and annihilating that country in war Mr. Thackeray is content to take it out on the Pakistan cricket team.

What is less serious is Mr. Thackeray's attempt to appeal to pan-Hindu sentiment to the extent of supporting the LTTE in Sri Lanka. The Sri Lankan Government is, after all, adopting exactly the approach he advocates for Kashmir sten-gun against sten-gun. But then, Mr.  Thackeray does not feel the need to formulate positions which have the merit of consistency. He is immune from such frailties. It is a miracle that with such thinking- if thought it is the Shiv Sena manages to have any kid of coherent programme. The party's national ambitions could drag Mr. Thackeray into further intellectual the convolutions as he pronounces on situations where mutually exclusive positions have to be reconciled. What is abhorrent to Mr. Thackeray, as to all totalitarian leaders, is neutrality, the ability to see different sides of the problem. In the interests of his party, he should leave day to day politics to those who understand its scope and limitations. Mr. Thackeray should concentrate on providing entertainment - but not too often. The best stars do not overexpose themselves.

 

Subhash Chandra Bose on Communalism and Regionalism

 As against the outside world, India is one unit and the different provinces and different communities should line up under one banner and one policy, if we are to bring about the speedy emancipation of our people. Fissiparous tendencies, whether of a provincial or of a communal character should be regarded as the greatest curse and all lovers of freedom should take their stand on a broad socio-economic programme for the emancipation of the masses, which will cut across provincial and communal divisions.

 (Address at a Public Reception in Calcutta, 6 April, 1937-published In the Calcutta Municipal Gazette)

 

BJP: Election Strategy

The three major election planks of the Bharatiya Janata Party shucheta, suraksha and swadeshi (cleanliness in public life, security and economic nationalism) which had been hammered together to help the party brave the choppy election seas, appear to be coming apart.

Hindutva Plank

In fact, it seems, that the one "plank" the BJP could use to traverse the rough seas of an election campaign is its Hindutva slogan. Directly or indirectly, the party campaign will emphasize what the BJP describes as the "vote bank policies" of the other parties. By this it means the so-called "appeasement" of Muslims. No doubt, this is a line which appeals to crass communal feelings, and the party knows this, and exploits it. Even party stalwarts, when pressed to explain how Muslims have been "appeased", find it difficult to mention anything substantial, except some government help for performing "haj", not enforcing a uniform civil code, allowing them to run their own educational institutions under Article 30 of the Constitution, and so on.

But this is the area which will be used by the party to consolidate further its own Hindu vote bank. Whether it is the plight of Kashmiri refugees, or the influx of Bangladeshi Muslims, the uniform civil code, or the alleged ISI network in the country - the targets will be the Muslims. The BJP has always indirectly suggested that it is the minority community which harbors "anti- nationals" and it is the BJP's Hindu supporters who are "nationalists", that voting the BJP means voting in Hindu interests, whatever that means. But will this ploy succeed?

(Source: The Hindu, 10 February, 1996)

 

Shubhangi Khapre on Secular Alliance in Maharashtra

If the Republican Party of India (RPI) is able to sustain its unity till the election and if the Third Force emerges the single largest party at the Centre, the Congress will lose on two counts. First, its Dalit base would have eroded and, two, there is every possibility of Muslims voting in favor of the Third Force.

At the moment, one cannot say which way the Muslim vote will go, and there is still no State leader in the Third Force who can effectively sway the Muslim vote to its side. In such an eventuality, the Congress stands to gain. Unlike in the last Assembly election, when Muslims voted en bloc against the Congress to avenge the main concern would be to defeat the Shiv Sena-BJP. Babari Masjid demolition and the riots, this time their main concern would be to defeat the Shiv Sena-BJP.

The RPI is already drawn up strategies to woo Muslims to its fold. It has set a target to swing 27% votes in the State, the same polled by the Shiv Sena in the last Assembly election. "With 9.5% Buddhist votes and 15 per cent Muslim votes we can achieve this", says Athavle confidently. Whether the RPI will succeed in its endeavor remains to be seen. But Dalit unity has certainly alarmed the Congress.

(Source: Thell.T, 25 Feb, 1996)





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