Two wars and two proxy wars later ... Pakistan has failed to annex the State which remains divided and bruised. While a secessionist group continues to seek self-cictermination through union with Pakistan, others seek independence for all of J&K on both sides of the LoC. Neither is feasible. J&K is an integral part of the Indian  Union and there will be no second Partition ...

There has undeniably been discontent and alienation in the Valley, especially in the wake of the maladroit political management of the State between 1952 and 1975 and between 1984 and 1987. The latter gave birth to armed insurgency with sustained cross-border support. This only brought more grief. Nevertheless, the use of arms has once again clearly failed. While nationalist forces have rallied, significant sections' among those alienated from the Indian state have come to adopt the more realisable and practical objective of seeking greater autonomy, self-determination or azadi within India.

The Government of India too has stated its willingness to consider greater internal autonomy for J&K. The term 'autonomy', so widely used, essentially implies an adjustment in Centre-State relations. The use of symbols such as a State flag and nomenclatures like Sadar-i-Riyasat and Wazir-e-Azam in place of Prime Minister or Chief Minister are really subsidiary issues ... without any real additionality in terms of substantive content. Nevertheless, symbols are supremely important when dealing with a people's psyche.

It would be useful to lay to rest a popular muddle that has entrapped highly placed minds. This is that more autonomy means less 'integration' with India and vice versa and that 'full integration' will be achieved by abrogating Article 370 of the Constitution. The fact is that Article 370 has nothing to do with integration which is governed by Article 1 and the First Schedule.

Article 1 posits that India shall be a Union of States as specified in the First Schedule which lists J&K along with ... all the rest. No distinction is made between States and Union Territories in terms of the quality or extent of 'integration' which is full and complete in each and every case ...The Instrument of Accession transferred responsibility for three items to the Union, namely, defence, foreign affairs and communications, no more.

Article 370 was the mechanism written into the Indian Constitution to regulate Centre-State relations with J&K ... Ever since the Afghan conquest, the Kashmir Valley had sought to reassert its independence. The rise of Kashmiri nationalism in the 1930s led to the formation of the Muslim Conference which Sheikh Abdullah shortly thereafter converted into the ... National Conference. The Sheikh's logic was that the struggle was not one of Muslim against Hindu but of the common people,  whatever their faith, against the feudal tyranny of Dogra rule ... In endorsing the Maharaja's decision to accede to India, when the tribal raiders were at the gates of Srinagar,  and in negotiating Article 370 and the Delhi Agreement, the Sheikh opted for autonomy or self-determination within India. He subsequently wavered on sensing certain negative trends, but returned to his original moorings after 1975. In 1995, Narasimha Rao announced that the Union Government would be prepared to consider autonomy 'short of independence' for J&K. Welcoming this on behalf of the National Conference, Farooq Abdullah asked the Union government to issue an order under Article 370(1)(d) to restore the State's autonomy in terms of the Delhi Agreement of 1952. When this did not happen, the NC boycotted the parliamentary poll. In 1996, Deva Gowda, as Prime Minister, offered J&K 'maximum autonomy' which persuaded Dr. Abdullah to participate in the Assembly elections. His demand was to go back to 1952. Autonomy is the key and there is little to fear ... In fact, free elections, democratic decentralisation and wider autonomy for J&K within India could also electrify both 'Azad' J&K and the Northern Areas ..

Nothing is lost by viewing the State's demands with sympathy, as the essential problem is more a crisis of confidence than anything else Local and regional ...opinion might well favour continuation of many aspects of the existing dispensation. Even otherwise, J&K is constitutionally different and there need be no excessive fear of a domino effect on the rest of the country. (Source: The Hindustan Times, 24 June, 2000)