“The wounds of Bhagalpur have still not healed. Life has yet to return to normal for those who survived the country’s worst post-independence carnage last year which saw over a thousand people killed, entire villages wiped out and some 40,000 refugees streaming into relief camps.
Since then, there has been some attempt at relief and rehabilitation of the affected people, but quite predictably, it has barely been able to make a dent.
On the face of it, the procedure followed by the administration appears satisfactory. But the general feeling among the riot victims is that the compensation is in no way commensurate with the actual damage and destruction of buildings, property and livelihood.
There have been some glaring discrepancies as well. For instance, it was decided that dependents of those killed would be given Rs. 1 lakh by the state government and Rs. 10,000 from the Prime Minister’s relief fund. The state government accordingly paid the families of 612 killed or missing persons; but 734 families received the assistance from the PM’s relief fund. How come the state government did not know of these additional 122 cases? It can be said that it was difficult to arrive at an accurate figure of the casualties since so many bodies were never found. Further, compensation was not given in case a dependent was killed. Children in India, especially in rural areas, are a major work force and contribute substantially to the family income. This was particularly true of the weaving and other communities of Bhagalpur.
The second category for which the government announced compensation was damaged buildings. The upper limit for totally damaged buildings was set at Rs. 15,000 for the urban areas and Rs. 10,000 for rural areas. The state government claims to have spent Rs. 3.10 crores on this scope, but considering the intensity of the riots, this amount is just ‘a drop in the ocean’. One and all maintain that they have been given one rupee for every 10 rupees worth of damage. No wonder some badly affected sites like Bhatoria, Noorpur, Tamoni and others still bear a deserted look.
The government did not ensure that the money given for this purpose was used for it. In many cases, forced by circumstances, the victims used the amount for their immediate basic needs. While others deliberately did not repair their houses to present themselves as refugees. But the most important reason for the refusal to rebuild is the continuing communal tension, both local and regional. The police are of no help- in fact, the minority community is more apprehensive of the police than of anybody else.
The government also spent a considerable sum on the reconstruction of 67 mosques, 20 Mazars and 61 imambaras, but this too did not match the magnitude of damage.
However, voluntary organisations like the Jamaat-e-Islami, Jamiat-ul-Ulema, Gandhi Peace Foundation and others managed to construct a few houses and religious buildings. The administration could have hannelized its funds effectively through the voluntary organisations who were more than willing to do this job.
The third compensation category – for damage to movable properties – was supposed to have covered a wide range of losses ranging from household articles to boats, bullock-carts, cycle rickshaws, looms and shops. The maximum amount allowed was Rs. 2,000 which the commissioner or the DM could raise to Rs. 5000 on discretion. This amount was obviously too little to cover even the minimal amount of damage.
Very little has been done to rehabilitate the Muslim weavers, whose silk goods form the mainstay of the towns’ economy. Many have been unable to repair their looms, while the supply of raw yarn and the export of finished products remain dislocated. A local BJP leader, Mr. Vijay Mitra, has called for the economic boycott of the minority community. The government has distributed Rs. 1.10 lakh among 76 power loom weavers and Rs. 20.43 lakh among 817 handloom weavers but this has not taken care of their infrastructural problems.
Bribes had to be paid to first get names- both genuine and false included in the list of affected persons and then to receive the relief amount.
The administration was unable to act against many corrupt officers as no one was willing to lodge a written complaint. Many fraudulent claims were also made for compensation.
The district administration rejected 220 claims on grounds such as these, but two causes of rejection have been questioned: ‘person killed was a rioter’ and ‘died in police firing’. Given the dubious role of the police, it is evident that many of those killed in these circumstances were innocent.
The Justice R.M. Prasad Commission, which was to investigate the riots, is yet to start its work. The government has allotted three sets of lawyers to the state, the commission, and the administration but has not appointed a public prosecutor.
Most unfortunate is the continuing tension in Bhagalpur. Residents of the worst affected villages like Logain and Chanderi refuse to return and have settled on communal lines in nearby villages or have established new ones like Alamgirpur or Islamnagar.”
(Source: The Times of India, 5 Dec 1990)